The Anachronism of Hellenistic Detriment: What the Astrology Podcast Left Out

Quis custodiet ipsos custodes

Introduction

6 months ago, when the Sun was opposite the position it is now, I published an article on the historical development of the astrological concept of detriment. It was lengthy and attempted to comprehensively cover various issues related to detriment’s history and specious reconstructions. Appropriately enough, I now present its more focused and up-to-date counterpart.

An Appropriate New Moon

On the afternoon of July 20th, the day of a New Moon opposed to Saturn, I was contacted by Chris Brennan who wanted me to discuss, on his podcast, some evidence that I had supposedly overlooked which would call my account into question. I reminded him that I don’t do podcasts, a fact he knew well from past requests.

Eventually, he sent me a PDF of the supposed evidence. I found that it was all consistent with the account in my article. In fact, the one significant new discovery, a passage I wasn’t previously aware of from Anubio, lent very strong additional support to the account in the original article that Hephaistion produced the notion of planetary corruption associated with detriment by garbling a passage from Dorotheus.

Unfortunately, Chris misrepresented this evidence on his podcast as somehow negating the account of detriment’s origins in my article and as supportive of his reconstruction of a Hellenistic detriment.

The Original Account is on a Stronger Footing than Ever

I continue to stand by the main arguments of that article and the account of detriment’s origins presented there. The additional evidence and the continued promotion of evident misconceptions regarding detriment’s development strongly reinforce a number of the original arguments, both about detriment and about the detrimental effect of egos and reconstructions on our understanding of historical astrological practice.

As the original paper was lengthy and its arguments were recently misrepresented, while its evidence was omitted, there is an urgent need for a concise and updated summary of the key issues and pertinent facts.

Impatient? Short on time? You can jump right to the concise summary of those arguments by clicking here.

The Astrology Podcast Episode 264

Recently, on Episode 264 of the Astrology Podcast, my article on the development of detriment was mentioned. The mention was in the context of a discussion on detriment’s origins, meaning, and use between Chris Brennan and Ben Dykes. I usually look forward to the perspectives of both of these men and highly value their contributions to astrology. However, the important facts and evidence crucial to the understanding of the nature and timing of the development of detriment were omitted and the presentation of the debatable issues by Brennan was one-sided and misleading.

It is usually telling when someone notes that there are two positions, mentions that someone advocates the opposing position, and then presents not a single one of the key arguments of the opposing position. Call me old fashion, but in my opinion, it’s considered good etiquette to represent and grapple with counter-arguments, even if the other side doesn’t want to appear on your talk show. Simply declaring that one’s own one-sided presentation “leaves no doubts” while omitting all arguments made by the other side is a sure sign that someone has something to hide.

How I was Presented as a Fundamentalist

Before getting into the issue, I want to clear something up. Chris misstated my position in the podcast. He said, “he argues that the concept didn’t exist in the earlier Hellenistic tradition and therefore isn’t a valid concept in astrology” (Brennan, 8:08-8:16).

I am not the fundamentalist described by such a statement. Personally, I find valid some techniques from innovative astrologers like Alfred Witte and Martha Lang-Wescott in my own practice. Of course, I don’t think that the only astrologically valid concepts are those that existed in the early Hellenistic tradition, and I believe I made that clear enough in the introduction of the article.

The Issue

What is the pivotal issue, why is it debatable, and how does it bear on our understanding of detriment’s development? As Chris Brennan noted in his book and at minute 3:30-4:30 of the podcast. Detriment as a distinct concept is not defined in the Hellenistic tradition (which began in the 1st or 2nd century BCE) until Rhetorius in the 6th or 7th century CE.

The Two Main Positions

Chris notes this leads to two distinct possibilities (quotes are of Chris Brennan, see embedded video above):

A. “This was a new development that only happened later in the Hellenistic tradition and that’s why it shows up in Rhetorius suddenly.”

B. “Rhetorius was simply articulating something that was implicit or was used in earlier authors even if it wasn’t {usually} explicitly defined.”

I put that last ‘usually’ in curly brackets as I’m assuming Chris misspoke as it is not explicitly defined in the earlier authors (‘usually’ implies it sometimes was, which it wasn’t).

I’ve actually provided evidence that it’s debatable whether detriment was defined or anywhere near fully formed even in Rhetorius to the degree Brennan claims it was (see the evidence discussed here). But Rhetorius is close enough and these two positions are the significant fork in the road, so for the sake of argument, let’s assume these are the two main positions. Are there no arguments for the first position or were they just conveniently left out?

One-Sided Presentation

Brennan provided a PDF of passages from Hellenistic astrologers in which some adverse indication is given for a planet posited opposite its domicile. In Brennan’s synopsis of the episode and the PDF, he states “These references leave no doubt that the concept of detriment originated in the earlier Hellenistic astrological tradition, going back to at least the 1st and 2nd centuries CE.” (Brennan, 2020, link here to statement). That’s a strong statement about Chris’s beliefs regarding how compelling the evidence for position B is.

Don’t you wonder what the support is for position A? Are you curious about what someone holding position A might say about the supposed textual evidence and how they’d explain the observations about the effects of detriment in practice? Do Brennan’s excerpts really “leave no doubt”?

Unfortunately, the evidence supporting position A was omitted from the discussion. Was it purposely omitted? It was presented in my article on the development of detriment under the heading “Brennan’s Reconstruction” (click here to jump to it). Brennan assured me multiple times that he did read that article. Perhaps it was omitted because it strongly calls into question the claim that the PDF contains any textual support whatsoever for the position that detriment’s origins are in the 1st and 2nd centuries.

Note on the Summary and Forthcoming Updates

I present here a summary of the important matters overlooked in Brennan’s account of detriment’s origins. I present key pieces of information either completely omitted or not sufficiently emphasized in the podcast discussion. More detailed information can be found in the original article on the historical development of detriment. Additionally, that original article will be updated in a month (early September) to include the new findings discussed here regarding Anubio, ‘enantios’, and more.

On Brennan’s Specious Account of Detriment’s Origins

Equivocation Used as a Trojan Horse

Brennan’s arguments and “evidence” rely upon you making the logical fallacy of equivocation.  Brennan uses two very different definitions of detriment as if they are synonymous.

First, Brennan’s “detriment” (D1) is any problematic indication arising from the ruler’s opposition to its domicile (Brennan asserts as much in the last sentence of the first page of his PDF). Is this a sufficient definition of detriment given that whole-sign aspects were used in Hellenistic astrology, including aspects to places? After all, the opposition itself was often associated with conflict and enmity. As you’ll see, D1 is not sufficient in the least. In other words, it’s not detriment.

Then there is Brennan’s reconstructed Hellenistic “detriment” (D2), called Antithesis/Exile/Adversities, which is a planetary debility due to the placement of the planet in a sign with contrary qualities pertaining especially to the contrary nature of its ruler. Because we see evidence of D1, Brennan reasons that D2 is implicit in any statement by any Hellenistic astrologer where some problematic indication is given for the position (D1). However, D1 in no way implies D2. This faulty reasoning is apparent in what is presented as evidence (the PDF) with the following puffery.

These references leave no doubt that the concept of detriment originated in the earlier Hellenistic astrological tradition, going back to at least the 1st and 2nd centuries CE. (Brennan, The Astrology Podcast website, Episode 264, 2020)

Ruler’s Configuration of Opposition (RCO)

The issue here is that the conditions of D1 (some problematic indication) are not sufficient conditions for detriment. What Chris leaves out are full passages from Dorotheus and Valens that show them using a technique in which a place’s delineation is influenced by the nature of the configuration (aspect) between its ruler and the place (house or lot).

The problematic (or beneficial, depending on the nature of the aspect) indication with this technique comes about for the signification of the place or lot aspected and consistent with the nature of the aspect from the ruler.

For the opposition, this can include a sense of separation, distance, obstacle, struggle, enmity, and/or counterpart. Dorotheus, for example, also explicitly mentioned delineations for the configurations of the ruler by square, trine, and aversion (no aspect) to the place.

Clear Evidence of the Use of Ruler’s Configuration as a Technique for Delineating Places (Houses and Lots)

“If you wish to know what of love and other than that there is between him [the native] and his brothers, then look from the lord of the lot of brothers. If its lord aspects it from trine, it indicates love between them, and if it aspects from quartile, it indicates a medium amount of that love. If you find it in opposition to the lot, then it is an indicator of enmity and separation. If it [the lord] does not aspect it [the lot], it indicates the estrangement of one of them from the other.” (Dorotheus, Book I, Ch. 20, Pingree trans., 2005, p. 179)

The passage above was included in my original article where this issue was explored at length. For more information, jump to the relevant full section here in the article where I present similar examples from Vettius Valens, including one where the oppositional meaning of “counterpart” comes into play without any necessary sense of problem or adversity.

Clouding the Field with D1

Given explicit evidence for the use of the ruler’s configuration as a significant interpretive technique, since at least the time of Dorotheus, all supposed evidence of an implicit use of detriment must be considered in light of whether a given passage could conceivably pertain to this well-documented and widespread technique. All of Brennan’s evidence outside of Hephaistion (5th century) and Rhetorius (6th or 7th century), and actually some of the evidence from Hephaistion, Rhetorius, and afterward (Theophilus), is better characterized as pertaining to the RCO technique.

Brennan has produced a PDF chock full of instances of RCO (ruler’s configuration of opposition) which is a technique for delineating places, not a planetary debility or sign classification. Anyone with knowledge of the RCO technique can see that Brennan’s supposed evidence of detriment from early Hellenistic astrology (i.e. pre-5th century) is comprised of evidence of RCO with nothing that remotely supports his reconstructed detriment (D2). RCO is an early technique and survived on through the entire period of Hellenistic astrology, actually right into the Perso-Arabic period.

RCO ≠ Detriment

Ruler’s Configuration of Opposition (RCO) differs from any sort of detriment in many ways. These differences allow us to easily identify every single one of Brennan’s delineation examples prior to Hephaistion as RCO. Let’s look at some key differences.

  1. Delineation is of Place (House or Lot), Not Planet: The indication pertains to modifying the meaning of the place or lot, not the planet’s condition.
  2. Focus on Configuration, Not Sign: The indication follows from the nature of the aspect, not the nature of the sign the opposing planet is in or its ruler.
  3. A Marriage of Established Doctrines: The indication requires only the existing doctrines of rulership and aspect, without any additional concept involved. This is why it doesn’t require introduction as a principle where other principles are introduced, unlike sign-based rejoicing/debility which is explicitly introduced because it doesn’t obviously follow from established doctrines.
  4. Does Not Entail Contrariety Between Planet and Sign: There is not an indication of contrariety between the planet and the sign it is placed in or its ruler.
  5. Does Not Entail Planetary Debility Like Detriment: While the opposition may diminish what the ruler promises for the place it opposes (i.e. responsibility + potential conflict or enmity), there is no additional entailment that the natural significations of the planet or the significations of other things it rules are harmed or weakened due to the position.
  6. Flexibility Pertaining to the Interpretation of Opposition: Hellenistic astrologers varied with regard to just how dire they viewed the aspect of opposition. Some considered oppositions from benefics to be a good thing, for instance. An opposition could also carry associations of counterpart or significant other which were not adverse at all. Additionally, Hellenistic astrologers more often stressed the benefit of a ruler having some configuration (rather than being “turned away”) than they did any potential adversity from the type of aspect from the ruler.

For these reasons, and more, RCO is not detriment, by any name, and certainly doesn’t entail D2 nor represent an implicit use of D2.

Many of Dykes’s and Brennan’s Chart Examples Are RCO

I couldn’t help but smile as Dykes and Brennan gave examples from celebrities and their own practice. So many of them were better explained as pertaining to RCO than to any planetary debility of sign contrariety. When so many examples are not necessarily unfortunate, and instead tend to involve separation from home, partnerships, focus on others, etc., it’s clear we are dealing with RCO. The same when there is an unfortunate event that is signified by the house that is being opposed by its ruler (such as marital finances – 8th house). I kept thinking to myself, “haven’t you guys heard of deriving a delineation for a place from the ruler’s configuration?”

Lumping RCO in with detriment clouds what is going on. When we get to medieval material, we find that RCO still persists as a consideration. Without recognizing that RCO ever even existed, let alone persisted the advent of detriment as a concept, we lose the distinction between late medieval delineations of places, which sometimes involved RCO, and delineations of planets in signs, which sometimes involved detriment.

Brennan’s Detriment is Medieval

D2 (antithesis, exile, etc.) is essentially the medieval Perso-Arabic detriment of Sahl (8th century) and Abu Ma’shar (9th century). It is a planetary debility that focuses on the sign opposite the domicile as a place of harm or weakness for the planet. Arabic terms pertaining to unhealthiness, contrariety, inversion, and, eventually, estrangement figure into their description of the condition, just as they do with Brennan’s Antithesis, Exile, and Adversities. Like Brennan, they also define it as a significant principle of interpretation in introductory material.

These features do not all coalesce in a single place as an established integral part of the system of chart interpretation until well into the Perso-Arabic period. As I noted in my article on development, Rhetorius is the godfather of this concept, al-Andarzaghar appears to have been its birth father, and it only matured to become an accepted integral part of the system around the time of Abu Ma’shar, though still less important than fall. Therefore, D2 is essentially medieval detriment mischaracterized as Brennan’s own “reconstructed” Hellenistic detriment.

Attempting to Combine RCO and Detriment

In some ways, Brennan’s concept tries to combine both RCO and medieval detriment. This was not a combination in Hellenistic astrology because something like detriment only sees some intimations of the concept of detriment at the end of the tradition. Rhetorius first brought in some notion of contrariety, but he also used RCO in some passages. When using RCO, he still stressed the delineation of the place, not the planet.

Brennan is correct to bring in notions of distance for the position from Valens’s use of RCO. However, the concept of “exile” applied to a planet is a misuse of RCO, which actually pertains to delineating the place opposed by its ruler, not the ruler. This planetary focus and stress on the position as a debility due to contrariety are the reasons Brennan’s D2 is most accurately labeled medieval detriment.

Brennan still actively promotes a view of detriment as a Hellenistic construct where a planet in a sign is seen as akin to a marginalized or even enslaved individual in an oppressive society. There was such a concept in Hellenistic astrology, called fall, also known as slavery, but the view that there was a Hellenistic detriment pre-Rhetorius, let alone one with any such social construct at its heart, is an inaccurate one.

Development is Mischaracterized

How can one have an account of an astrological concept’s historical development without a close look at when, how, and why its features originate, coalesce into the distinct concept, and that concept gains currency as a significant principle of practice? In Brennan’s account, it’s just there from the beginning, and becomes apparent to us by later astrologer’s making explicit something initially implicit. In other words, the assumption of implicit early origins causes one to actually turn a blind eye to its development. Instead, we get a laundry list of occurrences of D1 (some stray problematic indications associated with the position that is 95% RCO) over about an 800 year period as if that is sufficient evidence of implicit use of D2.

Of course, we expect to see stray problematic indications associated with the position because consideration of the configuration of the lord of a house or lot (including RCO) was a technique apparent from the beginning and continuing right through the Middle Ages. Detriment, on the other hand, was a novel development that was slow to come about.

The New Evidence from Anubio Confirms Development of Planetary Corruption by “Telephone”

The concept of planetary corruption due to the position first appears in Hephaistion (5th century) paraphrasing Dorotheus. In my original article, I posited that it came about from Hephaistion altering in a paraphrase a somewhat ambiguous line in Dorotheus (i.e. a game of “telephone”). Brennan has shown this to be the case with his discovery of an earlier paraphrase by Anubio which rather than associating it with a planetary corruption, associates the position with a ruler in opposition diminishing what it promises, fully consistent with an RCO reading with none of the necessary implications of detriment.

Anubio’s Paraphrase of Dorotheus or a Mutual Source

In general, every star being diametrical ​(diametrōn) to his own domicile himself diminishes everything that he promises.” (Anubio, trans. Levente László, see Brennan & László 2020)

This translation on its own is consistent with a reading that sees it as pertaining to RCO. This is especially so when we consider the fact that it occurs within a section on different aspectual configurations that had just given indications for each planet opposed to each other planet. It should also be noted that the verb translated as “promises” is also commonly translated as “provides”, “supplies”, or “grants”. We see here that when it comes to a planet opposed to its own house, the planet’s own opposition to it can be seen as diminishing to what it is able to provide for the house.

The Original Greek

For those who would like to see the Greek original, you can download the CCAG 2 for free at this link. The passage is found near the top of page 212 (110 of the PDF), lines 16-17. I present it below (smooth breathing marks omitted, only acute accents supplied).

καθόλου δε παc αστηρ τον ίδιον οικον διαμετρων ‘α παρέχει αυτος πάντα  άφ’έαυτου  μειοι.

A transliteration in the Latin alphabet would read, “katholou de pas aster ton idion oikon diametron ha parechei autos panta aph’eatou meioi”.

Recalling My Conclusions About the How and When

In my original article, I noted the following:

Therefore, we can see two major “sources” for the later full development of “detriment”: 1. Hephaistio’s 5th century solar return advice, which may have itself been a fuzzy interpretation of Dorotheus became transformed in later compilations into an interpretive edict; 2. Rhetorius’s 6th or 7th century Ptolemaic style elaboration of rulership logic based on contrary qualities was later transformed into a planetary condition of debility.

Provided that Brennan is correct about Anubio, then the Anubio passage confirms that I was spot on about the “fuzzy interpretation of Doretheus” as the source for the planetary debility feature of detriment. However, whether Anubio was drawing on Dorotheus or even a common source is not entirely clear. It is also not clear if this was the source for the Hephaistion passage. One passage takes place in a section on delineating oppositions; the other on delineating the solar return. In any case, we do not see pre-Hephaistion evidence of detriment in the passage, and it does provide further insight into the early use of RCO.

Quick Note on Serapio

There is a late compilation that drew on Serapio but also on later astrologers like Hephaistio which has been attributed to Serapio a 1st-century astrologer. It is important to note that the evidence indicates that the line regarding planetary corruption in Hephaistion appears to have ended up in the Serapio text (word-for-word) rather than the other way around. In other words, there is scant evidence that Serapio used the concept of planetary corruption in the 1st century. You can find further information on this here.

Ptolemy’s Influence on Development is Excluded

The concept of planetary contrariety between a planet and the ruler of the opposite sign first appears in Rhetorius (6th or 7th century). He apparently came up with the concept by analogy with exaltation/fall. In this regard, he was elaborating upon ideas in Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos in two ways: 1. Ptolemy noted that the domiciles of the Lights and Saturn are opposite each other because of contrary qualities (heat and cold) and attempted to present a rationale for the layout of the exaltations and falls; 2. Ptolemy’s “dignity” scheme, or system of sign-based planetary rejoicing, was couched in terms of qualitative affinity in which planets were reinforced in signs with similar qualities and weakened in signs without similarities.

“on the contrary, when they are found in alien regions belonging to the opposite sect, a great part of their proper power is paralysed, because the temperament which arises from the dissimilarity of the signs produces a different and adulterated nature.” (Ptolemy, Book, Ch. 23, Robbins trans., 1940; brackets added)

Analogy with Fall is Not Mentioned as an Influential Factor in Development

Brennan ignores the massive influence of Ptolemy on the late Hellenistic astrologers completely. There is also no mention of detriment developing by analogy with fall. This is because in Brennan’s account detriment was already there from the beginning, just becoming more overt and explicit.

By focusing too narrowly on D1 (any problematic indication associated with the position), there is only a forest of irrelevant RCO and one can’t see the trees that mark the introduction of new features. For more on the evidence that Rhetorius was inspired by Ptolemy for his musings on sign and planet contrariety, see this section of my original article.

In the Anti: Enantí- Misrepresented as a Special Condition

One of the recent discoveries, which was not covered in my own original article pertains to words with the Greek root ‘enantí-‘ such as the compound preposition ‘enantí’, the adjective ‘enatíos’, the verb ‘enantióomai’, and the noun ‘enantíoma’. Words with this root seem to be presented by Brennan as if they are special terms for Hellenistic detriment. He has noted that ‘enantíoma’ literally means “opposition” but he also has stressed that “diameter” (‘diámetros’) is the more typical word for the configuration. Conversation between Dykes and Brennan in the podcast reinforce this notion that these terms are significant for understanding Hellenistic detriment.

Until I started seriously studying Ancient Greek over the last 6 months, I accepted that this was the whole story surrounding these words. I noted in my original article that Holden should not have translated ‘enantioma’ as “opposition” and “opposite” in the main Rhetorius text and then as ‘detriment’ in the Teucer sign material spuriously attributed to Rhetorius.

However, the issues go much deeper than that. These terms not only mean “in opposition” or “opposite” but they have a very similar semantic range as the English “opposite”. Additionally, they were used in a chart context from very early on for the configuration of the opposition – not just ruler oppositions, but any aspect of opposition. In other words, not only is “opposite” and “opposition” the best translation convention for these terms for semantic reasons but it is also been shown that the aspect had long been the intended meaning when a Hellenistic astrologer would use the terms in a chart context.

The Semantics of Enantí

These terms are actually not as exotic as they might first appear. Enantí (pronounced ‘en-on-TEE’) is the compound preposition at the root of these terms, composed of ‘en’ and ‘antí’. The English cognates of these terms are “in” and “anti”. Anti meaning ‘against’ in English. In Ancient Greek, the root does have a similar sense of “in the position against” or “in the position before/in front of”.

The concrete sense is a spatial one of something face-to-face with something else or directly across from it (facing). One abstract sense derived from this is being against something else (contender, opponent), much like we use “anti-” as a prefix in English for being against something. The other abstract sense is of something with the opposite or contrary meaning (‘up is the opposite of down’).  The English root “oppose” and related terms like “opposite”, “opponent”, and “opposition” cover much the same semantic territory both concretely and abstractly.

Rhetorius and the Rationale of Opposites

This is an important point. We must understand the associations that would come into the mind of a Greek language user when reading or using the term. The word would evoke a very similar range of meaning as the English “opposite”. Now consider how Rhetorius muses that the signs are “opposite” each other (enantioma) because their rulers are “opposites”, highlighting their contrasting qualities. This is a play on words in which he is using “opposite” in its concrete sense concerning the layout of the signs into pairs of opposites and rationalizing it based on “opposite” qualities of the planets.

The Chart Usage of Enantí

What is often left out of discussions regarding this term is its relatively common use for all types of aspectual oppositions, not just those involving rulers. Below are a few the many examples from Valens’s Anthology. These can be checked against the original Greek for free. The English Riley translation is available here, while the Greek critical edition assembled by Kroll is here.

“If it [the Sun] follows an angle, and if the stars of its sect are similarly situated, and if Mars is not in opposition [enantiouménou] or in square, then <the sun> will be considered to be indicative of good fortune.” (Valens, Anthology, Book II, Ch. 2, Riley trans., 2010, p. 26, c.f. Kroll, p. 57, #21, square brackets are mine)

“If Saturn is allotted the hour of the Lot <of Fortune> and is in the Ascendant, with Mars not in opposition [enantiouménou], the native will be fortunate in activities controlled by Saturn.” (Valens, Anthology, Book II, Ch. 4, Riley trans., 2010, p. 27, c.f. Kroll, p. 60, #7, square brackets are mine)

“If Mars is in conjunction or in opposition [enantiothe], the native will suffer disturbance and reversals.” (Valens, Anthology, Book II, Ch. 4, Riley trans., 2010, p. 27, c.f. Kroll, p. 60, #10, square brackets are mine)

“Malefics in opposition [enantiouménou] or in superior aspect to the Place of Status bring ruin to nativities.” (Valens, Anthology, Book II, Ch. 25K, Riley trans., 2010, p. 40, c.f. Kroll, p. 92, #32, square brackets are mine)

I could go on with a dozen more examples, but you get the point. Enanti- terms are readily used for the astrological aspect of opposition, whether involving a ruler or not.

Oppositional Language

While it is true that “diameter” was the more common Hellenistic term for the configuration of opposition, it is also clear that ‘enanti-‘ terms were a fairly common alternative. The fact that a term for “opposition” is taken to be the Hellenistic term for “detriment” should be telling. Consider also a PDF 95% full of passages referring to the delineation of a place from the ruler’s configuration of opposition (RCO). It becomes quite evident that the potential difficulty of a place being “opposed” is being falsely equated with the supposed difficulty of a planet in detriment.

Valens Did Not Imply a Definition of Detriment

One excerpt from Valens which was included by Brennan as clear evidence of detriment concerns a note on a different type of interpretation for oppositions to a planet’s own domicile, exaltation, or triplicity.

The configuration of opposition can be interpreted in two ways: one way when a star in the Ascendant is in opposition to another; the second when a star is in opposition to its own house, triangle, or exaltation. (Valens, Book II, Ch. 41, Riley trans., 2010, p. 57)

Brennan notes in his PDF that Valens likens “the concept of detriment” to fall. Actually, Valens is likening the interpretation of a domicile ruler opposing a place to any other type of sign ruler opposing a place (triplicity or exaltation). He does not name only house and exaltation, but all three types of rulership of a sign: domicile, triplicity, and exaltation. This is not a passage that suggests the creation of a new sign classification and planetary debility analogous to fall. It is a passage suggesting that the RCO technique was seen as applicable to all three types of sign rulers. The interpretation of RCO is different than the interpretation of an opposition involving two planets because it pertains to the delineation of the outcome of the place (house or lot) rather than the relationship between two planets.

Examining the Configurations of Multiple Types of Rulers

One thing that you should know about Valens is that he used all of the sign rulers. The three different types of rulers of an entire sign, and thus of a house or lot as well, are the domicile, exaltation, and triplicity rulers. Valens considered the configuration and standing of all of them to be significant to the delineation of the place.

“It will be necessary to look at the aspects of every houseruler and the arrangement of the configurations, to see if they are appropriate or the reverse.” (Valens, Book 2, Ch. 2, Riley trans., 2010, p. 26, emphasis added)

“Therefore as I have already said, if most of the configurations or their rulers are found in suitable places, the native will be famous and spectacular in his living. If some configurations and rulers> are favorably situated, others unfavorably, rank and fortune will be transitory.” (Valens, Book II,Ch. 26K, Riley trans., 2010, p. 40)

Relative Influence of Multiple Rulers

It was quite common in Hellenistic astrology to consider the standing of multiple rulers, rather than just the domicile ruler. This is not that different from what we see in Ptolemy (discussed further here), as he also considered each of these types of rulers to have one share of influence, with an additional share of influence given for any configuration to the thing ruled. Recall that he used this for finding his predominator which was the planet with the greatest influence over the thing ruled, and thus the planet that played the greatest role in characterizing it. For instance, an exaltation ruler that aspected the place was considered more influential over the place than a domicile ruler that did not.

Somewhat related to this is a passage regarding choosing a chart lord. A chart lord is another type of predominator. The technique varies from astrologer to astrology. Brennan presented a passage in which the chart lord is chosen among multiple rulers but a ruler opposing the place was not considered by the particular astrologer due to the possible signification of enmity.

As with every single example outside of Hephaistion and Rhetorius (and most of them from them) cited by Brennan, we see RCO being presented here as detriment.

Contrariety Shmariety

I have argued that the notion of planetary contrariety seen in Rhetorius was probably Rhetorius’s own invention. He clearly draws on a few different passages and concepts from Ptolemy and a clever play on the Greek word for “opposite” to present anew rationale for sign arrangement.

I’ve noted that it is a little silly to think that Venus, a nocturnal planet of love and sex, would be in a place of drastic contrariety in Scorpio, a nocturnal water sign pertaining to the genitals and ruled by a nocturnal sect mate that arouses passion (Mars). It is similarly silly to think that Jupiter, the planet of abundance, would encounter some difficult contrariety in a house of Mercury, the planet of commerce.

Implicit Contrariety?

Brennan has stated that detriment, with this notion of planetary contrariety, is implicit in early Hellenistic astrology. This is actually a pretty easy thing to check. Many Hellenistic astrologers delineated indications for the combinations of planets and for planets in signs.

The key combination to look at here is Mercury-Jupiter, as all other combinations of planets of opposing domiciles involve a malefic. The delineation of being ruled by a malefic, combined by a malefic, or of a malefic being ruled by something else, will all inherently have some indications involving difficulty owing to the symbolism of the malefic. What we want to know is if two non-malefic planets, like Mercury and Jupiter, would be seen as inherently corrupting or weakening to each other’s significations.

Let’s look at just a few instances here. There are actually more of these out there, including in Maternus, but Manetho, Dorotheus, and Valens provide clear examples from the early part of the tradition.

Manetho on Mercury and Jupiter in Each Other’s Houses

The early Hellenistic work of Manetho (circa 2nd century) delineates each planet in the house of each other planet. The delineations he gives for the combination are some of the best indications one can possibly hope for, and this is from an astrologer known for his particularly grim general indications.

Jupiter in Mercury’s House

“Jupiter in the places of Mercury makes (a man who is) very wealthy, renowned for his thoughtfulness, wielding royal wealth in his wands, and one who gathers from cities and peoples the money and tribute for kings, very distinguished in the performance of deed, and one who is called upon for help by his companions, thinking much in his mind and bringing goodly property from his life’s work to his houses.” (Manetho, Book II, #246-252, Lopilato trans., 1998, p. 211)

Mercury in Jupiter’s House

“On the other hand, Mercury in a house of brilliant Jupiter produces those having the means of instruction in their breasts, leaders of children or of their own lords or those who sit on a stool in a place where money is exchanged or those who are practised in laws and statutes, because of which they are always persuasive and acquire renown throughout the cities, orators of public speeches and those who are best in the assemblies both at straightening-out quarrels and at aiding those who are distressed, arguing by means of words and precedents from which they derive immense wealth and funds. Others are messengers of kings, and they have legal proceedings entrusted to them by the lords who administer law and justic, and they conduct these (proceedings) by their own intelligence.” (Manetho, Book II, #253-265, Lopilato trans., 1998, p. 211)

Dorotheus on Mercury and Jupiter in Each Other’s Houses

Dorotheus’s delineations of the same rulership combinations also fail to show any evidence of contrariety. The indications are very similar to those given by Manetho.

“If Mercury was in a house or bound of Jupiter, he will have awe, be a preacher or a manager for the matters of kings and the nobles, or an educator for the people in speaking and lawsuits and judgment, and he will always be in the labor of great cities and kings.” (Dorotheus, Book II, Ch. 36, #2, Dykes trans., 2017, p. 173)

“If Jupiter was in a house of Mercury, he will be of those who are established in justice in their communities, or a calculator for all things, being intelligent, sound in intellect, and he will be praised for that and turned to help in that.” (Dorotheus, Book II, Ch. 33, #5, Dykes trans., 2017, p. 171)

Valens on Combinations of Mercury and Jupiter

Similarly, Valens’s indications for combinations of Mercury and Jupiter also fail to show any evidence of corruption by contrariety.

Jupiter and Mercury are good, in harmony, and supervisory. They make men who are managers, overseers of affairs, in posts of trust and administration. They make men who are successful as secretaries and accountants and who are respected in education. These are approachable people with many friends, judged worthy of pay and stipends. If Jupiter and Mercury are found in operative signs, they make men discoverers of treasures, or moneylenders who profit from cash deposits.” (Valens, Book I, Ch. 21K, Riley trans., 2010, p. 18, emphasis added)

Wait, Jupiter and Mercury are good together and in harmony? Isn’t that the very opposite of them being contrary and corrupting each other? I rest my case.

Conclusion

We’ve looked at quite a bit of what the Astrology Podcast got wrong, omitted, and never addressed in Brennan’s treatment of the origins of detriment. Unfortunately, the account on the podcast omitted just about all of the details necessary to understand detriment’s origins and contextualize the misrepresented passages in the PDF.

There’s much more to the story though. If you are interested in this issue, please take the time to read through the full article on the history of detriment. The absence of detriment in Hellenistic astrology is just the beginning of the story. There are some other interesting developments through the game of telephone that occur in the later tradition as well before we get the well-established and oh-so-important concept of detriment that we see in the High Middle Ages and Renaissance. I cover some developments in the Perso-Arabic period in my other article. More research is certainly needed on the evolution of detriment in the Middle Ages and Renaissance.

If you enjoy thoughtful, critical, and probing articles on the topic of ancient astrology (Hellenistic and early Medieval) then please show your support by making a donation to the site.

 

References

Brennan, C. (2017). Hellenistic Astrology: The Study of Fate and Fortune. Amor Fati Publications.

Dorotheus of Sidon. (2005). Carmen Astrologicum. (D. Pingree, Trans.). Abingdon, MD: Astrology Center of America.

Dorotheus of Sidon, & al-Tabari, U. (2017). Carmen Astrologicum: The ’Umar al-Tabari Translation. (B. N. Dykes, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Hephaistio of Thebes (1998). Apotesmatics Book II. (Robert H. Schmidt, Trans.). Cumberland, MD: The Golden Hind Press.

Hephaistion of Thebes (2013). Apotelesmatics Book III: On Inceptions. (E. Gramaglia, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Lopilato, R. (1998). The Apotelesmatika of Manetho, Diss. Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island.

Ptolemy, C. (1940). Ptolemy: Tetrabiblos. (F. E. Robbins, Trans.). Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library. Retrieved from http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Ptolemy/Tetrabiblos/home.html

Rhetorius of Egypt, & Teucer of Babylon. (2009). Rhetorius the Egyptian. (J. H. Holden, Trans.). Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers.

Valens, V. (2010). Anthologies. (M. Riley, Trans.) (Online PDF.). World Wide Web: Mark Riley. Retrieved from http://www.csus.edu/indiv/r/rileymt/Vettius%20Valens%20entire.pdf

Featured image “Who Watches the Watchmen” by David Masters / CC BY

 

Is Astrology Geocentric?

Introduction

This is an accidental article. While working on the research for a long article on comets, prompted by the current COVID-19 pandemic, I came across a story about how a comet observed by Tycho Brahe helped to propel the Copernican Revolution forward. This led to some additional revelations about the confusing multiple meanings of terms like heliocentric and geocentric. These terms mean one thing among astrologers, another to the general public, and something a little different and more specific in a scientific context.

I intended my thoughts on these matters to serve as an afterward to the comet article, but it dawned on me that they pertain to a separate topic. Additionally, this is a topic important enough for its own article. I hope you agree and enjoy it. Thank you for your support. I feel for those going through hard times during this epidemic. I wish everyone good health and a solid footing.

Tycho and the Comet

A pivotal moment in the history of astronomy was made possible by an extraordinary comet. On November 13, 1577, Tycho Brahe was fishing when he saw a very brilliant comet, as bright as Venus, and with a 22° long reddish tail. This was the famed Great Comet of 1577.  His continuous observations of the comet over the ensuing period of its visibility (nearly 2 months) turned up discoveries that would upend some Ptolemaic assumptions that had persisted even into Copernicus’s model of the heavens.

Cellarius’s 1661 chart illustrating Copernicus’s heliocentric model of the Universe

Goodbye Spheres

Initially, his calculations of the comet’s motion and distance led him to debunk Aristotle’s theory that comets were meteorological events of the upper air. His data clearly showed that comets moved in the heavens, like the planets. More radically, when the comet was observed to have moved through what was assumed to be the spheres of Venus and the Sun, it became clear that planetary motion was not due to physical spheres upon which the planets were fixed. In other words, there were no solid celestial spheres. The relatively mechanical planetary spheres would no longer suffice as the explanation for planetary motion. Tycho published these findings in his book on the comet (De Mundi Aetherei …). It had a profound influence on the later work of Johannes Kepler.

Bartolomeu Velho’s 1568 illustration of the Ptolemaic model with planetary spheres

A Geostatic Heliocentric Model

Brahe, who was also an astrologer, developed his own rather unique model of planetary motion.  It is typically characterized as geocentric or as a geocentric-heliocentric hybrid. However, it is more accurately characterized as a geostatic heliocentric model. That is, he posited that the Earth was motionless, so the model was entirely relative to a stationary Earth (geostatic), but he posited that planetary motion was around the Sun (heliocentric). While Brahe accepted Copernicus’s planetary motion around the Sun, he wished to improve some major faults in Copernicus’s model, including its heliostatic nature.

Cellarius’s 1660 chart illustrating Tycho Brahe’s model of the Universe

Morin’s Kepler-Brahe Hybrid Geostatic Heliocentric Model

Actually, well into the 17th century, many astronomers accepted Copernican heliocentric planetary motion, while rejecting the heliostatic feature of Copernicus’s specific model. Many traditional astrologers are familiar with Jean-Baptiste Morin, the famous 17th-century French astrologer, astronomer, and mathematician. His mammoth astrological work,  Astrologia Gallica (“French Astrology”), continues to be influential. It is fairly well-known (I mean it’s on his Wikipedia entry at least) that he advocated a geostatic position (fixed Earth). What is less well known is that he did in fact accept heliocentric planetary motion, and sought to marry Kepler’s elliptic orbits to the geostatic heliocentric model of Tycho Brahe.

Why Geostatic?

Some of the issues with the Copernicus model included its use of planetary spheres to explain planetary motion, the implausibility of his rotation argument, and the lack of evidence for some things predicted by Earth’s movement. I already noted that Brahe’s cometary data called into question the idea of solid celestial spheres as a mechanism of planetary motion. One of Copernicus’s primary arguments for the Earth rotating rather than the sky was that “nothing infinite can be moved”, which was less than a compelling data-based argument for Brahe. Additionally, Brahe incorrectly thought that the Earth’s orbit would make comets retrogress (they move too fast for this to happen) and would cause parallax in the directions of the stars over time (it does but it is too small for Brahe to have detected it).
Backward Thinking?
The rejection of the heliostatic position by many astronomers was not due to some form of stubborn traditionalism in the face of compelling evidence. Rather, it was among methodical scientists who were attempting to radically remake the planetary model to accord with the best evidence available. Sufficiently compelling evidence that the Sun was fixed and the Earth was in motion was slow to come. Compelling evidence that actually neither the Sun nor the Earth was truly fixed, and all motion was relative, wouldn’t come until centuries later, far after the Copernican Revolution.

Heliostatic vs. Geostatic

So, who was correct, Brahe or Copernicus? Is the better model the geostatic one in which all motion is characterized relative to a stationary Earth, or a heliocentric one in which all motion is characterized relative to a stationary Sun? As it turns out, the question is not a scientific or an astronomical one at all. In modern astronomy, nothing is “static”.

We speak of motion around the Sun as a convenience. However, we also characterize the Sun as being in motion around the center of the Galaxy, and galaxies even move relative to each other. Therefore, it is meaningless in a scientific context to say anything is essentially fixed in space and at rest. Similarly, motions can be characterized relative to any given frame of reference.

An Astronomical Historian on the Essential Difference Between Geostatic and Heiliostatic Theories

“[W]e might say (details aside) that holding the sun still in Tycho’s system gives us Copernicus, while holding the earth still in Copernicus’s system gives us Tycho. […] All motion is relative. In fact, the difference between geostatic and heliostatic systems is not of great technical astronomical importance. Its importance, if any, is theological and philosophical. […] The important thing about Copernicus’s theory is not that it is heliostatic but that it is heliocentric. A system can be heliocentric without being heliostatic – Tycho’s system was.” (Thurston, 1994, 206-207)

The Rise of the Heliostatic Heliocentric Model

Kepler and Galileo furthered the Copernican Revolution by continuing in the work started by Copernicus and Brahe. Galileo continued the tradition of using precise observations to challenge long-held assumptions. His use of detailed observations from sophisticated instruments was firmly in the tradition of Tycho Brahe.  He discovered the moons of Jupiter and the phases of Venus, lending support to the Copernican model in which all orbits are not around the Earth.

The Moon as drawn by Galileo Galilei and published in “Sidereus Nuncius” in 1610 plus a photographic image of the same view

Kepler brought together the best elements of the models of Copernicus and Brahe, and develop a much better theory of planetary motion based on Brahe’s observational data. He was able to improve Copernicus’s heliocentric system, replacing his circular orbits and epicycles with elliptical orbits that caused varying planetary speeds.

An animation of Kepler’s 2nd Law of Planetary Motion

The Copernican Revolution was essentially completed by Isaac Newton. His theory of gravity and the laws of motion filled in the missing details. Brahe had shown that planetary spheres were an inadequate explanation of planetary motion, while Newton supplied the new explanation, gravity.

Newton’s Cradle

Einstein vs. “Static Cling”

Absolute motion was posited by Newton. It fit well with a heliostatic basis for planetary motion. Therefore, historically, the heliostatic heliocentric system won the day, supplanting the geostatic one of Brahe. However, this occurred before scientists in the 19th century proved the Sun is just another star. It also occurred prior to Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity which showed that there is no absolute motion.
This goes back to the point made above by the historian of astronomy, Hugh Thurston. The heliostatic vs. geostatic debate is a philosophical one rather than a scientific one. Gravity-centric models explain celestial orbits with great accuracy. For instance, a heliocentric model of the solar system explains planetary motion in a cohesive way. A geocentric model of the Earth, the Moon, and the Earth’s satellites do the same for the earth system. Still, there is no absolute fixed point of reference we can observe and verify in a scientific sense. It appears that there is no absolute center of the universe whatsoever.

Astrology is Geo-Referential, Not Geocentric

I feel that this excursion into examining Brahe’s curious geostatic heliocentric system alerts astrologers to some important distinctions and ways of looking at things. Personally, I’ve been guilty of speaking of astrology as being essentially “geocentric”, as it concerns itself with the orientation of the heavens relative to the Earth. However, this common astrological usage is not consistent with the scientific sense, and that fosters some confusion.
In a scientific sense, geocentric and heliocentric pertain to models of planetary motion, not to frames of reference for observational utility. I don’t think I’ve ever met an astrologer, myself included, who didn’t think that the heliocentric model was the best model for explaining astronomical planetary motion in the solar system. In that sense, I, and all those other astrologers, are heliocentrists.
Astrology is not geocentric in the sense of planetary motion, but geo-referential, looking at the motion of the heavens relative to a given place and time on Earth. The thing is, much observational astronomy is similarly geo-referential. Whether it is naked-eye observational astronomy, or with an instrument, such as a telescope, astronomers are also often concerned with how things will “appear” in a given time and place on the Earth. There is not a geocentric vs. heliocentric divide between astronomy and astrology. Rather, the difference is just that for astrologers celestial phenomena have the ability to serve as “signs“.

Significance for Astrologers

Astrologers, myself included, are used to referring to the astrological perspective as geocentric. What we actually mean is that it uses the time and place on the earth as the reference point. There is even heliocentric astrology that can be contrasted with traditional geocentric astrology. However, heliocentric astrology is really helio-referential astrology. It judges signs from the observational vantage point of the Sun, examining configurations relative to it.
Heliocentric Astrology
Comically, I have heard some astrologers argue that this heliocentric astrology is intrinsically superior on account of being heliocentric . After all, history has shown that the heliocentric model is correct. Geocentricism is for the backward and ignorant. This line of reasoning is comical because it confuses the vantage point from which signs are judged with specific scientific models of planetary motion. They actually have nothing to do with each other.
The implication is that somehow by judging signs from the Sun’s vantage point one shows support for the correctness of the heliocentric model of planetary motion. Not only do they have nothing to do with each other but the Earth-centered reference makes more sense in terms of meaning. It uses as a point of reference the time and place on Earth of the thing being commented upon itself, such as the time and place of the person’s birth
An astronomer may give observational coordinates for observing something from your backyard. That does not entail that they reject heliocentric planetary motion. Similarly, An astrologer mapping signs from a similar vantage point need not reject centuries of astronomical progress to do so.
Is Heliocentric Astrology More Scientific?
Heliocentric astrology is not more scientific in any way. The difference lies in its claims as to what constitutes a meaningful astrological sign. As with any astrology, its evaluation rests on the ability of its signs to say something relevant. In other words, how well do established interpretations of its conventionalized signs accord with the realities they comment upon?
Heliocentric astrology seeks to assign meanings to new types of phenomena. These are things that were not traditional sings, such as angular aspects to the Sun from the Sun’s perspective. For this reason, it is actually most natural to treat it with greater suspicion than traditional astrology. After all, traditional astrology uses conventionalized celestial signs used over a couple thousand years. Those signs were traditionally judged relative to the time and place of the matter they comment upon.
Rethinking the Geocentric and Heliocentric Astrology Dichotomy
As astrologers, we should probably be more careful throwing around terms like geocentric and heliocentric without clarification. I don’t advocate policing anyone, just greater awareness. The terminology is confusing to the general public and many astrologers.  Astrologers insist that celestial phenomena can serve as signs. That’s a big stretch in thinking for many people. Add the word geocentric into the mix and it sounds like astrology requires the rejection of modern science as well.
The truth is that astrology is not dependent on a specific scientific model of celestial motion. It does not depend upon Aristotelianism. Even traditional astrology does not even rely on the Ptolemaic model. In fact, there were key Hellenistic astrologers (such as Dorotheus and Vettius Valens) before Ptolemy ever proposed his model.  The Copernican Revolution was largely spearheaded by astrologers, such as Tycho Brahe and Johannes Kepler. They continued doing astrology based on earthly points of reference while advocating heliocentric models of planetary motion – without contradiction.

Conclusion

So, is astrology geocentric? In the informal sense of using the Earth as the central reference point, it is.  It is in the same sense that the astronomy website, EarthSky.org is geocentric. It’s concerned with celestial happenings from an earthly vantage point. However, in the more narrow astronomical sense pertaining to models of planetary motion, astrology is not at all geocentric. Astrology is not dependent upon any single specific theory of planetary motion. Astrologers probably accept the superiority of the heliocentric model of planetary motion just as readily as anyone else.

References
Thurston, H. (2012). Early Astronomy. Springer New York.
Image Attributions

The featured image is an illustration of the comet of 1577 which was seen by Brahe. It was clipped from the title page from Cometographia quaedam lampadis aeriae que 10. die Novemb. apparuit, anno a Virginto partu, 1577, London: 1578, by Laurence Johnson. STC 1416, Houghton Library, Harvard University (public domain)

Cellarius’s 1661 chart illustrating Copernicus’s heliocentric model of the Universe is in the public domain.

The Bartolomeu Velho illustration of Ptolemy’s model from 1568 is in the public domain.

Cellarius’s 1660 chart illustrating Tycho Brahe’s model of the Universe is in the public domain.
Galileo Moon Drawing-Photo Comparison is in the public domain.
Kepler’s 2nd Law GIF by Gonfer / CC BY-SA
Newton’s Cradle GIF by DemonDeLuxe (Dominique Toussaint) / CC BY-SA

Detriment: A Questionable Distinction | Part 1: Historical Development

Update 9/4-9/20:

A little over a month ago, this article was mentioned on a podcast where its arguments were misrepresented, support for the arguments were left out, and specious “additional evidence” for the reconstruction of a Hellenistic doctrine of detriment was put forth.  I’ve addressed the issues with the podcast arguments and presentation in some depth in a separate article, The Anachronism of Hellenistic Detriment, which you can find by clicking on that title.

Additionally, since that time, I’ve added a more convenient print article button and a table of contents feature to all articles. The fact that arguments and evidence presented in a long article were misrepresented to a popular audience that would be disinclined to read through it on the web was a primary motivation for such changes. Now one can find relevant information faster and more conveniently.

Today, I have additionally updated some of the contents of this article. In addition to general editing throughout, the following sections have been expanded or added: detriment as an addition to the symbolic system, notes on the meaning of ‘enantios’, notes on a passage recently discovered in Anubio, treatment of the technique of examining the ruler’s configuration, treatment of Brennan’s reconstruction, and notes on the possibility of textual interpolation. Additionally, I have made the sections on each astrologer little clearer.

Introduction

It is generally easier to notice what’s there than to notice what’s missing. So it is with detriment in Hellenistic astrology. The early works, those of about the first 500 years of Hellenistic astrology, reflect the foundational texts and fundamental features of the system. The concept of detriment is conspicuously absent from them. Yet traditional astrologers still tend not to notice. Instead, intimations of the concept, occurring at the tail end of the Hellenistic period, are used to “reconstruct” a concept into a system that lacked it.

Detriment was, in fact, conspicuously absent even from most early Perso-Arabic astrology. It was neither an integral part of Hellenistic astrology nor of early Perso-Arabic astrology. It became an integral part of the later tradition due to its use by one particularly pivotal early Perso-Arabic astrologer. Interestingly, that astrologer called the condition “fall” and defined it instead of rather than alongside the traditional type of fall. That astrologer’s work strongly influenced the astrology of Sahl and Abu Ma’shar. Their work in turn influenced the later tradition.

A Misleading Narrative

Many traditional astrologers believe that detriment was an important part of the Hellenistic astrological system. It is often simply assumed that it is present in the work of astrologers like Dorotheus of Sidon, Claudius Ptolemy, Vettius Valens, Paulus Alexandrinus, and Firmicus Maternus. To make matters worse, textbooks on Hellenistic astrology in recent years include detriment in a way that implies it was an integral part of the system of Hellenistic astrology.

Actually, detriment (by any name) was absent from the astrology of the early Hellenistic astrologers. In this article, I will address the lack of such a concept in each major Hellenistic text, as well as some later Perso-Arabic ones. The early Hellenistic astrologers clearly drew on many of the same lost foundational texts of the tradition (from the 2nd or 1st centuries BCE). These include the texts attributed to Hermes, Asclepius, Nechepso and Petosiris, Timaeus, and others referenced in them. Therefore, it is quite evident that detriment was not part of the original Hellenistic system.

Critically Considering Additions to the System

Detriment was a late-comer to traditional astrology, but was it a valuable late addition? To answer this from the view of astrology as a symbolic system, there are a few considerations. Actually, for any addition to the core interpretive system, we should ask the following key questions.

Is it Superfluous, Derivative of Existing Symbolism?

First, does detriment (by any name) add to the symbolism or simply restate the symbolic situation in a superfluous manner? If it is superfluous then it is not worthy of much of our attention. It is then just a teaching aid and not an astrological symbol of significance in and of itself. In other words, it would have nothing additional to say about what is signified. In such a case, awareness of it as a distinct concept would be inconsequential when it came to chart interpretation.

Is the Additional Symbolism in Conflict with Existing Symbolism?

Second, if detriment does add to the symbolism, then does this conflict with earlier interpretations of the same configurations? For instance, will Saturn in Leo mean something quite different for someone using detriment than it would’ve for the earlier Hellenistic astrologers that didn’t use detriment? If so, then there is the issue of which interpretation (or both) is correct.

How Well-Motivated is the Symbolism by Observation?

Third, if detriment is interpreted as adding to the symbolism, and alters the interpretation, then its addition should make sense in the system and it should be well-motivated by chart data. The main idea is that any modifications to the original conventional interpretation should be well-motivated by observation.

Detriment as an Addition to the Symbolic System

I will show that detriment was absent from early Hellenistic astrology. It ahs intimations at the end of that tradition and the early Perso-Arabic tradition which prompted its development. In short, it was a later addition to the symbolic system of sign classifications and types of planetary debility. Additionally, it was a non-superfluous addition. It significantly changes the interpretation of the position.

Non-Superfluous

In early Hellenistic astrology, a place (house or lot) or planet could have its symbolism adversely impacted by a ruler (of any type) in a bad or adversarial configuration, including one in opposition to it. This followed directly from the nature of rulership and configuration without any additional concept, so any reconstructed concept solely for the opposition of a domicile ruler would be superfluous. Unlike the practice of examining the configuration of a ruler, detriment introduces a new set of symbolic concepts.

Detriment is not superfluous because it does not pertain to just the configuration of a ruler affecting the symbolism of the thing ruled. Rather it posits that the domicile ruler itself has its symbolism corrupted or weakened by being positioned in the sign opposite its domicile. In other words, it was a new form of planetary debility, where there was not one before. Additionally, it is typically coupled with a notion of contrariness between the ruler’s of opposing domiciles, which was another new and additional concept not found in early Hellenistic astrology.

Conflicts with Earlier Symbolism

Detriment introduced a new planetary debility and new sense of planetary contrariness that conflict with the symbolism of early Hellenistic astrology. Jupiter and Mercury were actually viewed as “in harmony” by Valens – the opposite of problematically contrary. Mercury and Jupiter were clearly considered fortunate in combination, including in each other’s houses, by Dorotheus, Valens, and Manetho (see link in sentence).

Detriment reversed the fortunate symbolism of this comination. It posited a fundamental conflict between the natures of Jupiter and Mercury. They would be debilitated and have adverse indications in each other’s signs.

Need for a Share of Rulership Rather than Negative Dignity

Early Hellenistic astrologers did not put much of a stress on any sign-based debility. Fall was noteworthy for its symbolism which could be adverse, but there was no detriment condition, and fall was not much stressed. As I have noted, even Mercury in Pisces (its fall) was considered a fortunate placement. Fall’s symbolism became more relevant within the context of specific topical delineations.

Stress was actually placed on whether a planet had some share of rulership in the place where it was. For Ptolemy, the worst condition was a planet that had no form of rulership where it was. Whereas Mars was in triplicity in Taurus and Venus in triplicity in Scorpio in early Hellenistic astrology – places of fortification – these became viewed as extremely “detrimental” positions to the planet with the advent of detriment. Therefore, detriment not only added to but actually reversed the symbolism in significant ways in many cases.

Detriment Lacks Adequate Motivation

In order to separate out the historical facts of detriment’s development from my opinion about its usefulness, I will be treating of detriment’s lack of adequate motivation in a separate article. However, here I wish to highlight three reasons why detriment deserves even more scrutiny than typical astrological concepts. Given these reasons, one should always look elsewhere in the chart for the indication that astrologers too readily try to attribute to detriment.

Development by Telephone

As I will show, the historical development of detriment should raise some eyebrows. It appears to have come about very slowly by way of a series of misconceptions and spurious innovations – i.e. by a game of telephone.  Initial intimations only occurred near the very end of the Hellenistic tradition and were slow to catch on. We can trace the arrival of features of detriment by late Hellenistic and early Perso-Arabic authors rephrasing or mistranslating earlier authors, decontextualizing earlier passages, and adding their own innovations.

Today’s new reconstructions of the concept rest on specious evidence and faulty logic. They also tend to present misleading evidence, such as presenting late compilations as representative of early practice and presenting indications for the opposition in the context of the ruler’s configuration technique as if synonymous with detriment.

Conflicting Symbolism

As noted, detriment doesn’t just introduce new symbolism but its symbolism actually often leads to the opposite interpretation as more traditional symbolism. Together with a greater stress on sign-based debility than found in early astrology, it causes most planets to be interpreted as severely weakened or adversely affected in 1 out of every 4 signs of the chart. It also creates the strange situation of Mercury being doubly debilitated – fall and detriment both – in Pisces, where Mercury was actually associated with benefit by early Hellenistic astrologers.

Increasingly Contrived Interpretation

As most astrologers do not practice truly symbolic astrology, but rather make appeal to astrological factors as some sort of index on occult or psychological causes, astrologers increasingly make detriment mean whatever they want it to mean in any given case.

Does someone have Mars in detriment in their 10th house, yet they are one of the most successful athletes of all time (Muhammed Ali)? Then it must of been due to their having to overcome the debilitation and adversity related to that Mars placement. The detriment was so difficult that they were forced to deal with it and so learned to work with this unfortunate psychological or occult thorn in their side and turn it into success.

The same astrologer may view Hitler’s downfall as due to his Mars, Saturn, and Moon that were in detriment in his chart. But perhaps Ted Turner’s success was due to his own 3 planets in detriment.

Maybe Steven Spielberg’s expensive divorce stellement was due to his Saturn in detriment in the 2nd house. Perhaps Spielberg is also one of the wealthiest directors of all time due to having to “deal with” that difficult Saturn in the 2nd his whole life.

You get the idea. A planet in detriment for such astrologers simultaneously symbolizes adverse circumstances pertaining to what is indicated by the planet, overturn, and possible corruption, while on the other hand also being viewed as if having the possibility of improving or augmenting the indications of the planet.

The actual indications are between found in other areas of the chart which are missed due to the easy ability to spot detriment. Instead, astrologers simultaneously blame every success, failure, fortune, and misfortune related to any of the planet’s significations on it. The ability to read a chart suffers greatly as a result of such symbolic confusion.

Understanding Context

Before assessing the astrological value of detriment, we need to take a closer look at its historical place in the tradition. Let’s look at its presence, or more often absence, in early traditional astrology. We will then need to take a closer look at its early characterization. Its interpretation by modern traditionalists is also worth consideration. Finally, we can arrive at a meaningful analysis of its utility (the subject of a separate article).

This first part of my in-depth exploration of detriment will focus on its historical development. A detriment-like concept is absent from almost all Hellenistic astrology. Remarks at the tail end of the Hellenistic tradition show intimations of the concept. though still unclear.

The early Perso-Arabic tradition is marked by two strains, one lacking detriment and one with it largely taking the place of fall. These come together in the middle of the Perso-Arabic tradition, in the 9th century. At that point, detriment is formally brought into the fold on equal par with fall as a form of sign-based corruption defined in popular introductory texts.

Organization

The goal of this article is to make you better informed regarding the concept of detriment and its role in the practice of Hellenistic and Perso-Arabic astrology, past, present, and future. As detriment is taken to be a key part of the Hellenistic system in many modern works on Hellenistic astrology, we will first consider how and why.

The rest of this introduction is an exploration of the Hellenistic system in a narrow sense, Hellenistic astrology in a broad sense, and how the distinction has often been blurred in a dash toward questionable “reconstructions”.

Where Detriment is and Where It’s Not

The first section details the absence of detriment in the early Hellenistic texts. Next, the second section details the intimations of a detriment-like concept in some works of late Hellenistic astrology which inspired its later development. The third section looks at the slow development of detriment into an important principle in Perso-Arabic astrology. The final section is a critical look at “reconstructions” of detriment. The conclusion provides a concise summary of findings and conclusions.

Those coming to the topic with a background in Hellenistic astrology and/or familiarity with Chris Brennan’s reconstruction of detriment as a Hellenistic concept, may want to first check out the section on reconstructions and my more detailed article on Brennan’s specious evidence for a Hellensitic detriment.

Interpretation of Dignity

The following sections on how individual astrologers used sign-based dignity is meant as an astrological reference on the topic. It is easy for astrologers to present decontextualized passages from random texts, including ones that refer to separate techniques, as if they provide some evidence for detriment. Understanding the lack of detriment involves not just contextualizing such passages and texts, but also an awareness of just how vast and extensive the traditional literature is, how varied approaches to dignity and debility were, and how often astrologers had the explicit opportunity to bring up detriment if they had in fact used it as an interpretive principle (explicit or implicit) but did not.

Why Note Other Types of Sign-Based Conditions?

We will not just consider detriment but also consider how different astrologers interpreted dignity (sign-based rejoicing). Just as it is easy for astrologers to miss the lack of detriment in early texts, it is also easy to miss differences in the interpretation of dignity.

Highlighting these differences accomplishes a couple things. First, it reveals that ambiguity was likely in the early source texts and may be responsible for early variation. Second, it shows how the later tradition tended to amalgamate different interpretations rather than choosing between them. Third, it provides the critical astrologer with a path forward toward clearer and more consistent interpretation, allowing them to choose interpretations that mesh with chart experience and common sense.

A Case Against Detriment

This article on the historical development of detriment forms part of a broader argument against the use of detriment in astrology. My own experience is that traditional astrologers would do well to simply dismiss detriment. Knowledge regarding its history is one of three major premises for its dismissal.

The other two premises are addressed in Part II. The second of the three premises is that detriment leads to a different interpretive outcome, overloading the zodiac with “weak” or “bad” indications. The third is that the value of detriment has not been adequately demonstrated, rather it tends to be used in a manner that obscures more important and more traditional factors.

Is Detriment Necessary?

After considering how detriment was not a necessary ingredient in most Hellenistic and Persian analysis, we can consider whether it is necessary today. In Part II (forthcoming), we will consider the interpretive issues pertaining to detriment. Both Medieval and modern interpretations will be considered. Does the concept of “detriment” bring something additional and new to the table? Does it aid in interpretation or handicap it?

How well motivated is detriment by chart data? Does the additional “meaning” supplied by detriment show up at the activation of planets in detriment or more traditional interpretations of the position instead? Has the value of detriment as an interpretive concept really been demonstrated? One consideration is the methodology for testing out competing interpretations of chart symbolism.

About the Hellenistic System

Before surveying the astrologers, there is one additional introductory matter that is worth addressing. It concerns the merits of “reconstructing” a Hellenistic system when Hellenistic astrological techniques were often so clearly and extensively laid out in numerous lengthy astrological manuals.

When we speak of Hellenistic astrology, there are two important senses. There is the Hellenistic system in a narrow sense and Hellenistic astrology in a broad sense. The narrow sense refers to a set of core principles found in the foundational texts that established a common system. The broad sense refers to every development, technique, and principal advanced by Hellenistic astrologers during the period of its practice (roughly 2nd century BCE to 7th century CE). In other words, we distinguish the common foundation from the vast body of knowledge. It’s an important distinction, so let’s give it some consideration.

The System

Hellenistic astrology in the narrow sense comprises the set of interconnected concepts found in the foundational texts. The early surviving works of Hellenistic astrology all draw upon a common system laid out in the now-lost foundational texts.

It was not necessarily fully laid out in any single one of these foundational texts. There is in fact some evidence that there was variance in interpretation for even such basic things as house meanings among different foundational texts. Yet, the early source texts established a foundation for the Hellenistic astrologers.

The “system” was a new synthesis that drew upon prior traditions, especially Babylonian and Egyptian ones. Some key features are an interpretive stress on the Ascendant, the use of signs and their divisions, as well as planets, aspects, and topical places defined by way of lots and house order. This system also included planetary rulership, rejoicing, and debility conditions.

Hellenistic Astrology

The broad sense of Hellenistic astrology pertains to all astrological practices in the Greco-Roman tradition relying upon the system noted above, until roughly the 7th century CE. Most (but not all) of the important works were written in Greek and drew upon earlier texts written in Greek.

Hellenistic is here used primarily as a linguistic, and to a lesser extent cultural, descriptor rather than an ethnic, geographic, or political one. Yet, the period is roughly that of the (western) Roman Empire from about the 1st century BCE to about the time of the last gasps of the Roman Senate in the 7th century CE. The location is also the Roman Empire (both western and eastern), where Latin and Greek were the languages of scholarship. Therefore, Greco-Roman astrology is another term sometimes used.

The works of Hellenistic astrology are incredibly rich and diverse. This sense of Hellenistic astrology, the broad sense, is very broad. It is not a system per se, but rather a huge and diverse body of knowledge. Astrologers emphasized different applications of astrology, different preferred techniques, and at times even contrasting interpretations of symbolism.

Mischaracterizations of the System

In the recent resurgence of interest in Hellenistic astrology, the difference has often been obscured between the narrow and broad senses of Hellenistic astrology. Tenuous reconstructions and assumptions have led to much confusion. I frequently encounter those who believe that things found in one early author, or no early author at all, are representative of the “system”  – i.e. the foundational system in a narrow sense.

We must keep in mind that the multiple early authors drawing on the foundational texts are our best source for what is in those early texts. By comparing authors who drew on those texts we can reach our safest conclusions regarding the core system of Hellenistic astrology.

The Inevitable Mismatch

A mismatch between the systems of modern astrologers following in the Hellenistic tradition and the Hellenistic system in the narrow sense is not at all concerning. Every astrologer has their own preferred techniques and interpretive approaches. Even the Hellenistic astrologers differed a great deal from one another in the way that they used and expanded upon the system.

In the broader sense, there are a variety of Hellenistic astrologies. Exposure to different sources, various routes of learning, personal preferences, and experience as to what is most effective make such a situation inevitable.

This is the very reason we must make the distinction between the narrow sense and the broad sense in the first place. Hellenistic astrology is very broad. It was one of the richest periods in astrological history. Every Hellenistic astrologer took the core system in a slightly different direction. Hellenistic astrologers stressed somewhat different preferred techniques and principles. Sometimes they even slightly differed in their interpretations of core factors. The core is quite small compared with the flowering during the period.

The Mismatch of Concern

What is more concerning is the confusion between popular approaches to incorporating Hellenistic astrology today and the narrow sense of the Hellenistic system. This confusion typically results from a claim of “reconstruction” of the original system which has questionable ingredients. Such questionable reconstructions represent certain features as core which are not. Simultaneously, other approaches and techniques, including the rest of the bulk of Hellenistic astrology, are taken to be more marginal.

Over-Specification and Mischaracterization

On the one hand, this mismatch mischaracterizes and over-specifies the core Hellenistic system. Late additions, rare fine distinctions, and predictive techniques evident in just one or no early author are mistaken for the defining features of the core system. In other words, we find ourselves in a position in which the astrology of a handful of modern individuals is taken to be representative, despite textual evidence to the contrary.

Again, I do not mean to imply that modern uses of Hellenistic astrology should reflect the system in a narrow sense. No, there never was a “pure” Hellenistic astrologer who used only the system in a narrow sense. Therefore, we cannot expect to find a modern astrologer who has rediscovered the way to stick only to the pure “core” system of Hellenistic astrology common to every Hellenistic astrologer.

However, we can avoid representing our own approach to Hellenistic astrology as a reconstruction of the true system. We can also avoid misrepresenting certain techniques and principles as widespread and ubiquitous in Hellenistic astrology when such claims are not supported by textual evidence. In other words, there’s something to be said for avoiding official-sounding tenuous reconstructions resting on flimsy or faulty evidence.

Marginalization

The mismatch also obscures the diversity and richness of Hellenistic astrology in the broad sense. The absence of a certain fine distinction, predictive technique, late interpretive addition, or other such things in the approach of any given popular modern advocate of Hellenistic astrology is taken as a sign that something is not Hellenistic astrology proper. This is a direct byproduct of a lack of sufficient education in the diversity and richness in the tradition. Valuable alternative techniques, approaches, factors, and principles of Hellenistic astrology are overlooked or seen to be more marginal.

We find ourselves in the paradoxical situation in which the astrology of today’s Hellenistic astrologers is viewed as closer to the core Hellenistic astrology than that of the actual early Hellenistic astrologers of the first few hundred years of its practice. In other words, today’s astrologers who do Hellenistic astrology differently are marginalized, as well as the bulk of the actual astrology of the Hellenistic era.

Modern Systems and Ancient Systems

It is, therefore, critical to distinguish the Hellenistic system as reflected in those early texts from Hellenistic astrology in the broad sense. Reconstructions of the Hellenistic astrological system have been proposed. These draw upon Hellenistic astrology and are indeed systems in their own right. Also, they are indeed Hellenistic astrology, drawing on the ancient symbolism and techniques. They reflect the way particular astrologers think the astrological system of interpretation should function.

Regardless of potential practical merits, whether they reflect the actual system of Hellenistic astrology (narrow sense) must be measured against the evidence from the early texts. This is vital to distinguish what today’s astrologers find valuable in Hellenistic astrology from the actual core of the Hellenistic astrological system.

Two Obvious Examples

There are two areas in which the mismatch between the Hellenistic system and the Hellenistic reconstruction is particularly evident. The most pervasive is the suggestion that the configurational subtleties of Antiochus represent the heart of the Hellenistic system. The most obviously flawed is the inclusion of detriment or a detriment-like concept as part of the Hellenistic system.

The Aspect Doctrine of Antiochus

In the last couple of decades, the nuanced aspect doctrine of Antiochus of Athens has become synonymous with the Hellenistic system. The Thesaurus of Antiochus was paraphrased in multiple works, including those attributed to Porphyry (3rd century) and Rhetorius (6th or 7th century), as well as in a Byzantine summary. These works tend to include material not pertaining to Antiochus as well, but in their overlap, they reveal much about the Antiochus text. Porphyry’s 3rd century “Introduction to the Tetrabiblos” is particularly representative. This is because of its early date and the fact that the Antiochus material makes up the bulk of the work.

The intrigue of the text lies in its aspect doctrine which is a bit more methodical, detailed, and well-defined than typical. Many ancient Hellenistic astrologers would note the importance of the placement of a ruler, the nature of aspects, or the greater influence of a right-sided aspect. However, in this work, technical terms are used for more specific configurations. There are valuable distinctions, yet some not made or even mentioned by other Hellenistic astrologers. Many, however, follow naturally from the nature of aspect and rulership.

Useful Extension?

There are two distinct possibilities for the larger neglect of many of Antiochus’s technical distinctions by other Hellenistic astrologers.

First, Antiochus, or a school of which he was part, developed some of the core symbolic concepts into a few more refined distinctions.  This is the most likely scenario as Antiochus is typically dated to the late 1st or early 2nd century CE.

The lack of mention of some of these distinctions in early works, like those of Dorotheus, Ptolemy, and Valens would point to a lack of their definition in the foundational texts. While some astrologers put Antiochus much earlier in time, the lack of mention of his work in the early astrologers renders this assertion questionable. References to his work start to crop up in the late 3rd century.

There is also a general tendency toward greater “systematicity” and “refinement” over time. For instance, in later Perso-Arabic astrology many astrologers gave numbered lists defining all possible types of combinations and conditions. By comparison, early Hellenistic astrologers often complained about the opacity of the foundational texts.

If he was paraphrasing some key foundational text, then why didn’t the other early astrologers also refer to it? Rather, many of the distinctions follow from the combination of more common ones, showing a tendency toward greater “systematicity” and “elaboration” by Antiochus himself.

Or Foundational Key?

The second possibility is that these were key technical distinctions present in the foundational texts and pivotal to the system. Perhaps they were even distinctions made by the “inventor of Hellenistic astrology”. They were simply neglected or taken for granted in the works of early Hellenistic astrologers. Unfortunately, this other possibility has become the predominant view in the modern community of astrologers using Hellenistic techniques.

In other words, the configurations of Antiochus have become “orthodox” and “integral”. Other early Hellenistic astrologers are assumed to be using configurations with implicit knowledge of this orthodox and integral set of doctrines. However, this assumption is lacking sufficient evidence. Other astrologers don’t appear to use some of the distinctions in the Antiochus text. They also use other distinctions in a manner that reflects a difference in interpretation.

The Legacy of Robert Schmidt

Today, you are not seen to be practicing “real” Hellenistic astrology unless you are practicing something sufficiently similar to Robert Schmidt’s approach to Hellenistic astrology. The stress on the aspect doctrine of Antiochus, as well as on a particular predictive technique discussed only by Vettius Valens (Zodiacal Releasing), are hallmarks of his approach.

Robert Schmidt was one of the founding members of Project Hindsight. His translations of Hellenistic texts and his ideas regarding Hellenistic astrology had a profound influence on its practice today. Many of today’s leading proponents of Hellenistic astrology (e.g. Chris Brennan, Demetra George) were students of Schmidt.

It is little wonder that his preferred techniques and interpretive principles, i.e. his system, is synonymous with Hellenistic astrology today. For many astrologers, learning Hellenistic astrology meant trying to learn what Robert Schmidt saw in the chart. Without seeking to diminish the greatness of Schmidt’s influence, the time has come to reassess the view that Schmidt’s system was representative of the Hellenistic system in the narrow sense.

A Distinction, Not a Value Judgment

This consideration is quite a different one than the assessment of the utility of Schmidt’s input and preferences, i.e. the value of his system. The distinction cannot be overstated. I’m not judging the value or even the traditional-ness of Schmidt’s system. It is a practice of Hellenistic astrology, just as much as the astrology that I practice.

Many, myself included, have found Schmidt’s output on the art immensely valuable. I, and many others, view the aspect doctrine of Antiochus as a source of vital, valuable, and very helpful (though somewhat superfluous) symbolic distinctions when evaluating configurations. The popularity of zodiacal releasing today as a predictive technique is also a testament to its usefulness. Schmidt keyed the world into the importance of these items from Hellenistic astrology and focused a lot of attention on their interpretation.

Not the Inevitable Approach

His approach doesn’t, however, follow inevitably from the careful study of Hellenistic astrology. As noted, many approaches are possible. The early Hellenistic astrologers themselves were closer to the now lost source material than we’ll ever be. It is clear that they themselves took it in different directions. Whether Schmidt uncovered and reconstructed the core system underlying Hellenistic astrology (the System of Hermes as it is sometimes called) is quite questionable.

Detriment as an Anti-Rejoicing Condition

The more obvious mismatch between the Hellenistic system in the narrow sense and today’s reconstructions is the modern inclusion of “detriment”. This is the imposition of a concept that none of the major treatises of Hellenistic astrology of about the first 500 years make mention of. It is a clear instance in which a concept “developed” late in the Hellenistic period (arguably in the Perso-Arabic period). Unfortunately, it has been “reconstructed” as part of the Hellenistic system.

Additionally, unlike the Antiochus configuration doctrines and the use of Zodiacal Releasing in predictive work, “detriment” is of much more questionable utility. The fact that a concept absent from early Hellenistic astrology and of questionable practical merit could be reconstructed as integral to the system should throw up serious red flags to any thinking astrologer. Its reconstruction should serve as an important signpost calling into question all the reconstructions which include it, and the methodology behind them.

Movement Toward Transparency

In nearly all modern introductory works on Hellenistic astrology, detriment has simply been given as an integral part of the system. The book “Hellenistic Astrology” by Chris Brennan represents a contrast, at least in respect to clarity and transparency. He noted the peculiar absence of “detriment” in early Hellenistic astrology in his book. Prior to completing that section of the book, he also solicited opinion as to how he should treat the concept of detriment.

Unfortunately, Brennan did still “reconstruct” detriment as a technical concept of Hellenistic astrology. Furthermore, he asserted that it is implicit as an interpretive principle even in early texts that lack it. However, he does at least clarify his basis for such a reconstruction. Still, the “reconstruction” and the language explaining it again convey the impression that the distinction is somehow “integral” to Hellenistic astrology. Later in this article, I’ll examine the basis of his reconstruction in more detail (see a separate recent article for a refutation of more recent arguments with a collection of specious evidence he’s put forward for reconstruction).

The Conspicuous Absence

Many of the early Hellenistic astrologers noted the relevant sign-based planetary conditions, such as exaltation and fall. From their treatments of the sign-based planetary conditions, it becomes clear that the concept of detriment was simply not a part of the Hellenistic astrological system. Reconstructing a technical concept that simply was not there is rather strange. Furthermore, we can trace detriment’s very slow entrance into western astrology.

These facts are obscured when detriment shows up as a key distinct concept of the Hellenistic system in most, if not all, modern treatments. Additionally, knowledge of one of the most interesting facets of Hellenistic astrology is suppressed. Detriment was not part of the Hellenistic system in the narrow sense and was a concept almost wholly absent from all practice of Hellenistic astrology, with only intimations at the very end of the period. Additionally, it was not even initially an integral part of Perso-Arabic astrology but became so over centuries.

Part I: The Development of Detriment

Rulership and Dignity

The notable Hellenistic astrologers of the first 4 centuries CE drew directly on and developed from, the foundational texts of horoscopic astrology. These texts (mainly those attributed to Hermes, Asclepius, Nechepso, and Petosiris) are thought to date to the 1st or 2nd centuries BCE.

Most of the surviving early texts on Hellenistic astrology clearly defined the system of sign-based rulership and rejoicing conditions. By sign-based rulership and rejoicing conditions I mean the way that a sign could be said to be linked to its ruling planets, and to strengthen or weaken, make better or worse, the indications of the planets within it. Today, these conditions are referred to respectively as rulership and dignity.

What is Detriment?

Detriment-like concepts appeared near the end of the practice of Hellenistic astrology. The best evidence for it emerges around the 6th or 7th century CE. The detriment concept eventually became a formalized part of the dignity system of Perso-Arabic astrology but after some time.

The concept is that a planet is weakened or corrupted in any sign opposite one of its domiciles. For instance, since the Moon’s domicile is Cancer, her detriment would be Capricorn. Similarly, since Gemini is a domicile of Mercury, Sagittarius would be his detriment.

List of All the Planetary Detriments

The list of all such positions is below:

  1. The Sun is in detriment in Aquarius
  2. The Moon is in detriment in Capricorn
  3. Mercury is in detriment in Sagittarius and Pisces
  4. Venus is in detriment in Aries and Scorpio
  5. Mars is in detriment in Taurus and Libra
  6. Jupiter is in detriment in Gemini and Virgo
  7. Saturn is in detriment in Cancer and Leo
Initial Intimations

The early intimations of a detriment-like concept show up around the 5th-7th century CE. The broad date range will become clearer when we trace its entrance below. When it does arrive it is described in language translated as opposing, contrariety, hindering, or corrupting. As we’ll see, one issue in the early intimations is distinguishing a condition of planetary debility from a simple oppositional configuration of a ruler. Given later development into a planetary debility, there is a tendency to project that interpretation backward.

By Other Names

Detriment sometimes appeared in the 8th and 9th century CE Perso-Arabic astrology as “fall”. Occasionally, this “fall” by opposition to domicile was even used instead of the usual concept of fall (opposite to exaltation).

It was recently described as “adversities”, as well as “exile”, and later “antithesis”, by Chris Brennan, a traditional astrologer who specializes in Hellenistic astrology. My experience is that exile is gaining popularity as a term for the concept among many contemporary astrologers utilizing Hellenistic techniques. Ironically, “exile” is the most problematic of the terms. It is the only proposed term that lacks any valid support from the intimations appearsing in the texts attributed to the late Hellenistic astrologer Rhetorius (i.e. no Hellenistic astrologer, not even Rhetorius, would have recognized it).

Detriment as a Term will Do

“Detriment” remains the most common English term for the concept. It is not an integral Hellenistic concept per se, but it was inspired by Rhetorius’s comments on the contrary qualities of opposed rulers. Additionally, Rhetorius noted how contrary qualities lead to bad indications when combined, bringing in the concept of corruption by contrariety. Detriment actually pretty adequately captures the early conceptualization.

Perso-Arabic authors like al-Andarzaghar, who were drawing on Rhetorius, likened it to unhealthiness, harm, or bad results. Things that are unhealthy, harmful, or cause bad results, are “detrimental”. Thus the term for the concept has not strayed too far from the concept’s origins.

Dignity in Hellenistic Astrology

The sign-based rulership and rejoicing conditions are one of the innovations of Hellenistic astrology. Hellenistic astrology provided the foundation for traditional and modern western astrology, as well as Indian horoscopic astrology. As the “original system” of horoscopic astrology, its particulars and the works of its early practitioners are of particular interest to astrologers and historians.

One of the concepts in the system was that of considering certain planets to be strengthened (or even weakened) in certain signs and sections of signs (dignity and debility). Let’s turn our attention to that facet of the system.

Strengthening and Weakening

In Hellenistic astrology there are four sign-based conditions that are particularly strengthening to planets, making their indications more “effective”, “fortified”, or simply better. These conditions pertain to a planet in part of a sign it is said to rule in some way. A planet in a sign that is its domicile (home), exaltation, or triplicity is reinforced or supported in some way. When in its own section of a sign, called its bound, it is also fortified.

Additionally, there is one sign for each planet where the planet is said to be weakened or lowered, called its depression or fall. The depression is the sign located opposite the sign of a planet’s exaltation. Ptolemy (2nd century CE) also noted an additional weakening condition that is related to the concept of “peregrine”. For him, a planet that was not in a position where the sign gave some support (i.e. not in its domicile, exaltation, triplicity, or bound) was corrupted, particularly if the sign was also of the contrary sect.

Detriment or Support: A Delineation Dilemma

Note that there was no concept of planetary weakening or corruption associated with being opposite a planet’s domicile (i.e. in detriment). Furthermore, many of the places where planets are now said to be in detriment, are actually traditional places of support. These positions, where the planet is in a sign of its triplicity and sect, include the Moon in Capricorn, Venus in Scorpio, Mars in Taurus, Jupiter in Gemini, and Saturn in Leo.

The five non-luminaries can additionally be supported in the sign of their so-called “detriment” by being in their own bound

Detriment’s adoption has a significant effect on the delineation of certain planetary positions. For instance, does Mars in Taurus represent a suppression of Mars (detriment) or an enhancement (triplicity and sect)?

Contrariety Displaced from Alien Signs to those Opposite Domiciles

I will show how a Ptolemaic approach played a big role in the intimations of detriment in Rhetorius, which in turn inspired its development. For Ptolemy the planet was strengthened by sympathy but weakened by contrary qualities. However, for Ptolemy the sign opposite the domicile could have sympathies, such as triplicity as noted. The weakening conflict was being in a position where there was no rulership (an alien or peregrine sign).

Section 1: Detriment’s Absence from Early Hellenistic Astrology

Chris Brennan, an authority on Hellenistic astrology, has noted that detriment is absent from early Hellenistic astrology (2017, p. 249).

“In most of the introductory Hellenistic texts, while they clearly define the concepts of domicile, exaltation, and depression, there is no corresponding definition of “detriment,” which raises some questions about how the position was viewed, and whether it was conceptualized as a debilitating factor or not.” (Brennan, 2017, p. 249)

It was also absent from standard traditions of Indian astrology today. Its absence from standard Indian astrology is interesting as Indian astrology assimilated Hellenistic doctrines by at least the 6th century. This implies it was not in the early Hellenistic astrology that reached India. It was actually similarly absent from most early Perso-Arabic astrology, which was primarily an outgrowth of Hellenistic astrology.

The clear absence of the concept from early Hellenistic astrology does raise the question of interpretation of the opposition to domicile, as noted by Brennan. However, it also raises other important questions. Where did the detriment distinction come from? How appropriate is it to consider it an important part of the Hellenistic system? Additionally, how did detriment simply come to be assumed today to be part of the Hellenistic system?

6th or 7th Century Appearance

Brennan noted that there was no clear definition of “detriment” as a negative factor until the text of Rhetorius. Rhetorius wrote a compendium of Hellenistic astrology in the 6th or 7th century CE. He wrote after the heyday of Hellenistic astrology (see Brennan, 2017, Ch. 5 on the concurrent decline of both astrology and the western Roman empire). In fact, Rhetorius is considered the very last major astrologer of the Hellenistic tradition (Brennan, 2017, p. 121).

I actually disagree with the assertion that a planetary debility associated with detriment was even clearly defined in Rhetorius. However, we’ll come back to Rhetorius later. What about the astrologers before him?

Who Didn’t Use Detriment?

As noted, it’s easier to notice something there than to notice something missing. The influential texts of the early Hellenistic tradition make no mention of detriment.

Important early Hellenistic astrologers, including Dorotheus of Sidon, Vetius Valens, Claudius Ptolemy, Porphyry (and thus Antiochus), Paulus Alexandrinus, Julius Firmicus Maternus, and more, didn’t use “detriment”.  Was their astrology missing a vitally important distinction? Did they just forget to mention the debility of a position opposite the domicile?

Let’s look at what Hellenistic astrologers actually said about sign-based rejoicing and debility. This is instructive not just for seeing the lack of detriment, and tracing its arrival, but also for understanding the varying early approaches to dignity.

Dorotheus of Sidon on Sign-Based Conditions

Dorotheus was an influential 1st century astrology who wrote a large work in verse on the principles of astrology. His work was one of the most influential texts of early Hellenistic astrology, with a strong influence on later Hellenistic astrology as well as the Perso-Arabic tradition. The original verse work only survives in fragments quoted by later astrologers, while prose summaries and translations comprise our best sources for the text, albeit ones with apparent additions and corruptions.

Dorotheus (1st century CE) does not appear to have known the distinction of “detriment” or any debility associated with being opposite a planet’s domicile. This is despite the outlining many other types of sign-based rejoicing and noting fall.

Dorotheus did use a technique in which the configuration of a ruler was examined, including the opposition which could give adverse indications. However, this is a very different technique, and has different basis and interpretation than detriment, as it pertains to delineating the thing ruled (not the planetary state of the ruler) and follows from the concepts of configuration and rulership.

Dorotheus on Other Sign-Based Conditions

In Book I, Ch. 1, he first outlined the triplicity lords of the signs. He then also outlined the houses (domiciles) of the planets with no mention of detriment. He noted the planetary joys by signs, which match them to their domiciles of the same sect (and Mercury with Virgo). In the next chapter, Dorotheus noted the exaltation degrees of the planets and that their falls were opposite.

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Dorotheus used bounds throughout the work. The bounds are particularly pivotal to his predictive methodology for longevity.

Powers of the Planets

In a later chapter, Ch. 6 of the 1st book, Dorotheus explained the conditions which affect the power of the planets. Here too there is no mention of “detriment”.

“Every planetary fortune, if it was in its own house, or in its own triplicity or its elevation, then what it indicates of the good will be powerful [and] increasing. And an infortune too, if it was in its own place, then its evil will become lighter and decrease.” (Dorotheus, Book I, Ch. 6, Dykes trans., 2018, p. 67)

Note that the stress here is really on a planet being in some place that it rules, without any similar stress on negative dignity (i.e. fall) as bad. As we’ll see with Ptolemy, the lack of dignity (lack of any rulership in the planet’s place) tended to be of greater concern for early Hellenistic astrologers than even fall.

Little Stress on Fall

Interestingly, Dorotheus did note some negative conditions, including being out of sect, under the rays, or retrograde, but does not even note “fall” as a weakening condition. He also does not mention “fall” as one of the many corruptions of the Moon for electional astrology (Book V). It was added as a corruption of the Moon in the Middle Ages. However, there are a couple instances in which Dorotheus did distinguish fall as indicating a reduced condition of some sort in analysis.

In short, Dorotheus put a much greater stress on matters other than “fall” when it came to planetary weakening. Cadency, sect, retrogradation, twelfth-part rulership, sign sex, and being under the beams get explicit attention in discussions of planetary corruption. Fall, by contrast, gets defined, but there are only a few stray mentions of it for debility, within the context of certain topics.

Ruler’s Configuration Technique (RC)

Dorotheus presents a few passages in which a technique was used to delineate a place (house or lot), or more rarely the Moon, by examining the configuratoin of its ruler. This technique of examining the ruler’s configuration can be called RC for short. There is evidence for the technique in other early astrologers like Anubio and Valens as well (addressed below), so it probably originated in the foundational texts.

This technique follows from the principles of rulership and configuration so the adversity associated with the opposition does not require a separately reconstructed principle (i.e. it is superfluous). Additionally, the technique differs from the principle of detriment in numerous key ways, as it is not a planetary debility, the potential oppositional indications pertain to the thing ruled not the ruler, other configurations and other types of rulers may be similarly relevant, and there is no implied notion of contrariety in the natures of planets ruling opposing domiciles.

You may find a more complete treatment of RC in my article on Brennan’s recent proposed evidence for reconstruction  of detriment (spoiler: all Brennan’s supposed evidence for early use of detriment is actually RC).

Anubio and the Configuration of Opposition

Anubio is a relatively more minor early Hellenistic astrologer but one worth a mention. He is dated to the first century CE and wrote a work on astrological principles in Greek verse (dactylic hexameter; the same meter used by Homer). Recent scholarship has suggested that he may have drawn on one of the same sources that were also used by Dorotheus, Maternus, and Manetho, as there are some parallel passages across the texts (possibly from Nechepso Petosiris).

A passage attributed to Anubio includes language implying the diminishment of what is provided when a planet opposes its own domicile. Brennan (2020, p. 1) has taken the passage to show the implicit use of detriment in the 1st century. Brennan (2020, p. 2) has also asserted that Hephaistio’s statement about planetary corruption was a paraphrase of Dorotheus. It is assumed that Hephaistion was probably drawing on a passage in Dorotheus that was parallel to that in Anubio.

For a closer look at the passage, see the relevant section of my article on Brennan’s arguments.

Anubio in Context

There are significant issues with taking Anubio as evidence of “detriment”. The context, both textually and historically, argues for an RC interpretation.

The Anubio passage occurs at the end of a section on the configuration of opposition. It is not a section on sign-based conditions, planetary debility types, or anything of that sort. The context is a section explicitly about configurations. Just after discussing indications for the opposition of each planet opposed to each other planet, then we get the statement regarding a ruler opposing the place it rules. Therefore, the context speaks to the passage about the RC technique – examining the rule’s configuration of opposition.

The passage says nothing inconsistent with the RC technique or necessarily implying the additional baggage of detriment (planetary debility and contrariety). The fact that other astrologers drawing on Nechepso-Petosiris, like Dorotheus and Valens, also clearly show the use of RC, but not detriment, again supports that interpretation.

Anubio + Hephaistion as Representative of Dorotheus?

There are also some issues with taking the Hephastion passage as necessarily having its origin in a passage in Dorotheus that is parallel to the one in Anubio.

If Hephaistio was paraphrasing a similar phrase in Dorotheus then this speaks to the view that Hephaistio derived a planetary corruption doctrine by misinterpreting a passage actually about RC (game of telephone again). It doesn’t imply that the original Dorotheus contained the planetary corruption doctrine.

Additionally, Hephaistio’s comments are in the context of solar return interpretation while the Anubio passage is in the context of delineating indications of configurations. It’s not clear why Dorotheus would have paraphrased the same source as Anubio (or Anubio would have paraphrased Dorotheus) in such a different context.

Dorothean Manuscript and Fragments

In any case, no such passage survives in any manuscript or fragments of Dorotheus. Instead, what we do find in both the surviving manuscripts and a Dorothean fragment is a doctrine in which transiting planets in opposition to natal positions give negative indications. That has seemed to me the more plausible passage being garbled in the Hephaistio text. I address this more below in the section on Hephaistio. In either case, it appears Hephaistio (or some later copyist) did transform something from Dorotheus, either an RC passage or a transit configuration one, into a statement about planetary corruption.

Notes on Dorotheus

Dorotheus did put stock in dignity and other rejoicing conditions. However, detriment or a detriment-like concept was not part of Dorotheus’s astrology.

Dorotheus defined domicile, exaltation, fall, triplicity, and bound only. He also used twelfth-part divisions of the sign, which were important for judging the Moon in electional astrology, among other things.

I will return to Dorotheus below when we discuss where detriment came from. The way Hephaistio (5th century CE) summarized Dorotheus on the solar return includes language some have taken to be evident of detriment. Dorotheus took planets opposing their natal positions at the time of the solar return as unfortunate (Book 4, Ch. 4, #3). The material appears to have been paraphrased by Hephaistio as planets opposing their houses are corrupted (Book II, Ch. 27).

Benefic Dignity Interpretation

It is also worth mentioning that Dorotheus was a strong advocate of the interpretation of dignity as “benefic”. He clearly stated that dignity made benefics more benefic and malefics less so. This interpretation is one that I am critical of based on experience. Still, it is important to be aware of different ways that early astrologers interpreted things. They might not all interpret the same configuration the same way. Early interpretations may also fly in the face of assumptions or projections from the later tradition.

I’m equally critical of some other interpretations of common conditions in Dorotheus. For instance, I find his emphasis on angularity of triplicity lords of the sect light for success to be lacking in practice. He also advised that being under the beams was extremely weakening to a planet which has not been my experience. Still, they are part of Dorotheus’s particular approach to the chart.

Detriment, on the other hand, was not part of his approach to the chart. As noted in the introduction, we must distinguish what is good, valuable, or useful in Hellenistic astrology from what individual astrologers do or emphasize in their approaches. We also need to distinguish what is common among early Hellenistic astrologers.

Vettius Valens on Sign-Based Conditions

Vettius Valens (2nd century CE) was a traveling astrologer and teacher who wrote a huge multi-volume Anthology on techniques. He covered a large number of techniques not found elsewhere. His text is the source for most of the surviving chart analyses that we have from the era as it is rich in examples.

Valens didn’t use “detriment” or a detriment-like concept. He didn’t just fail to define it, but attention to it is absent in his numerous example charts.

Valens on Other Sign-Based Conditions

In Book I, Ch. 2, Valens described the signs of the zodiac. He noted there the ruler of most of the houses (domicile). That chapter was followed (Ch. 3) by one on specifying the terms or bounds of each planet.  In Book I, Ch. 11 (12 of Kroll edition), Valens noted the sex of twelfth-part divisions of the signs. Book II starts with a description of the triplicities (Ch. 1). Later, Valens defines exaltation and fall. However, there is no mention of detriment or a detriment-like concept.

Therefore, in Valens we see again a clear account of domicile, exaltation, fall, triplicity, and bound, but not detriment.

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Exaltation and Fall

Valens mentioned the use of the exaltation of the Sun and Moon for finding a Lot of Exaltation used for eminence. He also notes in Book II that it is an ill-omen when the Sun or Moon oppose their exaltation sign or the ruler of the Lot of Exaltation. Exaltations and falls are also used in relation to gains and instability in stature, respectively, in predictive techniques.

We see another stress on the exaltation and the fall of the Lights in the chapter on marriage (Book II, Ch. 38K). Valens does not, however, define the exaltations and depressions (fall) of the planets until Book III, Ch. 4. Valens does use exaltation, house, and triplicity quite extensively in his work. However, he does not define or use a detriment-like concept in which the sign opposite a planet’s domicile is debilitating to it in some way.

Valens’s Interpretation of Dignity

At many points, Valens uses dignity as showing fortification, strength, and stature. For instance, when examining planets that indicate with respect to the parents, he associates dignity, among other rejoicing conditions, as showing high stature.

“Whenever these operative stars are found in their own sects, in their own houses, in their own exaltations, with any benefic in superior aspect (or in fact in aspect at all), and when they do not precede an angle or are not afflicted by any malefic in the place where they rejoice, then these stars indicate that the parents’ affairs will be famous, distinguished, and illustrious. If the star that should indicate parents’ affairs has any malefics in aspect, either by projection of rays or by superior aspect, or if it is found in a place where it does not rejoice, it will indicate lowly and humble parents.” (Valens, Book II, Ch. 32P, Riley trans., 2009, p. 44)

Note that rather than emphasizing a negative dignity (fall), he notes a planet not in a place it rejoices as indicative of low stature. As we’ll see, Ptolemy also noted the corrupting influence of this situation of lacking a rejoicing condition.

Fortification and Stature

Dorotheus emphasized that the conditions increased good or lessened evil. Valens emphasized that the conditions cause the planet to produce its proper effect and to possibly indicate high stature (especially in the case of exaltation). In other words, one astrologer emphasizes a benefic distinction, while the other one of strength and sometimes stature.

For instance, take Valens on the bound ruler being in its own bound below where it is operative but can be so in a bad way. Note that the translation “houseruler” here means the ruler of the bound.

“if the houseruler is located in a given term, the houseruler will produce its proper effect as well, whether good or bad.” (Valens, Book I, Ch. 3, Riley trans., 2009, p. 8)

Exaltation and Fall Complications

Still, in some examples given by Valens, it is hard to disentangle the two interpretations (benefic or strength). This is particularly so as concerns exaltation and fall with respect to stature. For instance, there is an example where a person was exiled during an activation of the Sun (19 years) in fall in Libra and its exaltation Aries (20 years by rising time) occupied by Saturn (also in fall). The exile in the 39th year is thought to be shown by this activation. Is this a negative indication because of “fall” or is it a drop in social standing indicated by fall with particularly negative effects shown by opposition with Saturn?

RC and Opposition

I’ll return to Valens later below when we look at the interpretation of opposing a domicile. There are many remarks that Valens made about RC in his work, often with a stress on the opposition. Brennan has taken a couple of these to be supportive of the use of a detriment-like concept. Taken in context, together with the other similar remarks made by Valens, it becomes clear they are actually indicative of the use of RC with no implication of detriment whatsoever.

Claudius Ptolemy on Sign-Based Conditions

The common interpretation of detriment as involving unhealthy conflicting qualities would seem to be right up Ptolemy’s alley. Ptolemy (2nd century), one of the most influential scientists and polymaths of the ancient world, sought to conceptualize astrology in terms of Aristotelian physics in his massive Tetrabiblos.

The planets could cause changes in the quality of things in the sublunar realm. The combination of the planets with each other and the signs was examined in terms of the harmony or disharmony of their qualities.

These ideas would prove to be influential upon Rhetorius in his comments that inspired the development of detriment. However, Ptolemy had no concept of detriment in his own work.

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A Matter of Qualitative Affinity

For instance, Ptolemy explains rulerships in terms of qualitative affinity.

“The planets also have familiarity with the parts of the zodiac, through what are called their houses, triangles, exaltations, terms, the like. […] Since of the twelve signs the most northern, which are closer than the others to our zenith and therefore most productive of heat and of warmth are Cancer and Leo, they assigned these to the greatest and most powerful heavenly bodies, that is, to the luminaries […] For to Saturn, in whose nature cold prevails, as opposed to heat, and which occupies the orbit highest and farthest from the luminaries, were assigned the signs opposite Cancer and Leo, namely Capricorn and Aquarius, with the additional reason that these signs are cold and wintry […]” (Ptolemy, Book I, Ch. 17, Robbins trans., 1940)

The Ptolemaic Aristotelianism Lurking Behind Detriment

While Ptolemy didn’t have the distinction of detriment, his approach to the chart appears to have strongly influenced its development. The Aristotelian approach of Ptolemy suggests that close attention must be paid to the material sympathies between the planet and sign. His explanations of domicile rulerships, and of exaltation and fall, suggest that contrastive qualities underlie oppositions. Also, planets in his approach are strengthened by similarity and weakened by dissimilarity or contrast.

It is easy to see how a Ptolemaic approach to the chart easily lent itself to the creation of a “detriment” distinction on analogy with “fall”. In fact, the language frequently used to describe the “detriment” condition in later Medieval astrology tended to involve notions of corruption and/or unhealthiness. By contrast, exaltation and fall in early Hellenistic astrology revolved around the symbolism of raising up and bringing low. The concept of being unhealthily corrupted or handicapped by the influence of a materially contrastive ruler has, in my mind, Ptolemy’s influence all over it.

Lack of Detriment

Ptolemy doesn’t just explain domiciles in terms of quality but also the triplicities (Ch. 18), as well as the exaltations and the falls (Ch. 19). However, Ptolemy had no concept of detriment. He does not mention any clash of qualities that might result, for instance, from Jupiter being situated in Gemini. Rather, Jupiter is part of the air triplicity, with which it has an affinity. All of these matters are explained in the last half of Book I, which can be read freely online.

Other Divisions and Rejoicing Conditions

Ptolemy also mentioned a couple of different schemes for bound rulership (Ch. 20-21). In terms of twelfth-parts, he noted that some astrologers in his day used them, but he rejects any division he sees as purely symbolic rather than natural.

Interestingly, Ptolemy has an additional concept of “proper face” (start of Ch. 23) which appears to be a type of rejoicing condition. A planet in proper face is in the same aspect to the Sun or Moon as its domicile has with their domiciles. For instance, if Venus is in the 3rd sign from that of the Sun, such as the Sun in Virgo with Venus in Scorpio, then this echoes the arrangement of Leo and Libra. Arguably, he treats this as reinforcing, not unlike a planet in its own house, triplicity, exaltation, or bound.

Ptolemy’s Interpretation of Dignity

As noted, Ptolemy viewed these sign placements (house, exaltation, triplicity, bound, proper face) as reinforcing to the nature of the planet. The planet has a natural similarity or affinity to these areas of the zodiac. This reinforcement causes an increase in power and effectiveness. Therefore, for Ptolemy dignity is primarily a matter of strength and effectiveness, not of benefic or malefic nature.

Beyond Signs

When it comes to Ptolemy’s view of planetary strength, we must note that he considered sign-based conditions to be just one part. This sign-based part is discussed in Chapter 23 of Book I where he has 3 distinct levels of strength: 1. Chariot or throne which is from 2 or more of the rejoicing conditions – this is the greatest increase in effectiveness; 2. Just one sign-based rejoicing condition or at least a sign of the same sect – this is merely rejoicing; 3. An alien sign (peregrine) belonging to the opposite sect – this is paralyzing to the planet’s effectiveness. See his next chapter, Chapter 24, for his other non-sign-based conditions that influence planetary power.

Chariots and Thrones

“They are said to be in their own “chariots” and “thrones” and the like when they happen to have familiarity in two or more of the aforesaid ways with the places in which they are found; for then their power is most increased in effectiveness by the similarity and co-operation of the kindred property of the signs which contain them.” (Ptolemy, Book, Ch. 23, Robbins trans., 1940)

In this passage, it is clear that the greatest “effectiveness” by sign, for Ptolemy, involves 2 or more of his forms of “familiarity”. Note that effectiveness, not goodness, is the interpretation.

Rejoicing

“They say they “rejoice” when, even though the containing signs have no familiarity with the signs [planets] themselves, nevertheless they have it with the stars of the same sect; in this case the sympathy arises less directly. They share, however, in the similarity in the same way;” (Ptolemy, Book, Ch. 23, Robbins trans., 1940; brackets added to correct planets for signs)

In this next set of lines, we find Ptolemy defining “rejoice”. He omits to mention what to call the situation when a planet has only one form of familiarity. I think it is safe to say he intended that to fit into this category as well, or even slightly more powerful than this one. Rather, he states that even when there’s none of the five forms familiarity of the sign to the planet, there still may be familiarity through sect.

Sect Familiarity?

This last condition is somewhat ambiguous. I touched on it in my article on sign sex and sect. Does Ptolemy mean rulership by a sect mate, and if so, what type of rulership? By contrast, does he instead mean the sign is of the same sect as the planet? My interpretation is that he meant a sign of the same sect as the planet. As I noted in my article on sect, sect and triplicity were strongly related notions in ancient astrology, often noted together. Being in a sign of the same sect of the chart would tend to mean rulership by sect mates through triplicity. Ptolemy explicitly defined the signs belonging to each sect in Chapter 12 of Book I. In that sense, diurnal signs are ruled by the diurnal sect.

Still, Porphyry (3rd century) may have taken the other approach (Ch. 4 of his Introduction). In his explanation of the sect of planets he noted that diurnal planets rejoice when in the domiciles of diurnal planets. Therefore, being in the domicile of a sect mate could also be what was intended by Ptolemy as the familiarity of a sign with the sect mates.

Paralysation

“on the contrary, when they are found in alien regions belonging to the opposite sect, a great part of their proper power is paralysed, because the temperament which arises from the dissimilarity of the signs produces a different and adulterated nature.” (Ptolemy, Book, Ch. 23, Robbins trans., 1940; brackets added)

The worst sign-based situation for Ptolemy is being peregrine while in a region belonging to the opposite sect. Ptolemy did note planetary depressions (fall) in his earlier discussion of different forms of rulership but doesn’t bring it up here so its effect on “power” is unclear. One may presume it would have a “depressing” effect on planetary power, but its not clear. Perhaps it just brings along the brought low symbolism of fall as a possiblity ripe for activation. Again, note that “detriment” or something like it is not in Ptolemy’s vocabulary.

Note on Reinforcement

Ptolemy made one thing very clear. Dignity is fundamentally about reinforcement of planetary nature, which pertains to effectiveness and power. This is consistent with the comments Valens made about bounds but differs considerably from a view of dignity as benefic (Dorotheus).

Views of dignity pertaining to strength and planetary prominence, including my own views on dignity, are consistent with this interpretation. Other things in common between Ptolemy and Valens are their stress on many other conditions for planetary strength and the emphasis on the lack of a rejoicing condition as particularly weakening. More obviously, neither they, nor Dorotheus, used detriment.

Note on Level vs. Weighted Dignity and Influence

Another thing to consider with Ptolemy is that he put the different rejoicing conditions roughly on the same level. A planet in its exaltation, such as Jupiter in Cancer, could just have one form of familiarity, making it a middling position. By contrast, Jupiter in Gemini in its own bound, while the Sun is in Aquarius (Jupiter in proper face), has 3 forms of familiarity, a very powerful form of Jupiter in its chariot. This contrasts with typical dignity usage today in a lot of ways.

Similarly, Ptolemy also considered the influence of planets on points by rulership and aspect in an equal rather than weighted sort of fashion. A predominator or predominators would have more forms of influence. For instance, a bound ruler of a planet that aspects that planet would be considered more influential than an exaltation ruler with no aspect and no other form of rulership. One is influential in two ways, while the other in just one. However, late medieval astrologers would assign exaltation an influence of 4 points, bound only 2, and aspect and proper face none.

It is vitally important to understand how ancient astrologers actually used principles like dignity and predomination. They often differed in opinions, so projection of current or even medieval practices backward tend to cloud the understanding of Hellenistic astrology.

Antiochus and Porphyry on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

Antiochus of Athens was an influential astrologer typically placed in the 1st or 2nd century CE. His most important work, the Thesaurus, is survived by paraphrases and summaries in later works. Apparently the earliest and most notable of these works referencing The Thesaurus is “Introduction to the Tetrabiblos”, attributed to the 3rd-century philosopher Porphyry. A large portion of the work is a summary of Antiochus.

Porphyry’s summary of Antiochus lacks any mention of a detriment-like condition. Additionally, the portions of the late works, such as Rhetorius, which draw from Antiochus also don’t show evidence of a detriment-like concept in those sections which apparently paraphrase Antiochus. Therefore, there is no evidence of the use of a detriment like concept by Antiochus or Porphyry.

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Textual Issues

The surviving text of Porphyry is not a perfect representation of Antiochus though. First of all, it is a later manuscript which has had some material from 8th-century Persian astrologer Sahl Bin Bishr added to the end of it. Second, it is intended as an aid to understanding Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, not as a faithful reproduction of Antiochus. It is difficult to determine what may have come from other astrologers or may have been altered. Porphyry mentioned Antiochus only once in the work, and rather late, in Chapter 38.

The 6th or 7th-century astrologer, Rhetorius the Egyptian, also summarized large swaths of Antiochus in his huge Compendium. Therefore, one approach to Antiochus has been to compare Rhetorius with Porphyry, and both to a later Byzantine summary of Antiochus, in order to confirm contents. Of course, one issue is that the later summaries of Antiochus could also have been drawing on paraphrases of Porphyry attributed to Antiochus. There is a greater propensity to preserve and pass on work purportedly by Porphyry, an important Neoplatonic philosopher, than of a rather obscure astrologer little quoted in early Hellenistic astrology (Antiochus).

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Detriment in the Modern Hellenistic System

Robert Schmidt published a reconstruction of Antiochus’s Thesaurus in 1993, but the work was primarily a translation of Rhetorius, containing numerous additions not found in the Porphyry text. Some of those additions include references to later astrologers. More troubling are additions not found in Porphyry at all, including detriment.

Antiochus was taken as very closely representative of the Hellenistic system in the narrow sense by Schmidt. By considering Rhetorius to be close to Antiochus and Antiochus as close to the core system, the community ended up with a situation in which Rhetorius became representative of Hellenistic astrology in the narrow sense.

In other words, ostensibly the approach of the “last” major Hellenistic astrologer became taken as representative of the nature of the earliest core system. It is my opinion, that this is the source of the idea or assumption that “detriment” has always been a significant part of Hellenistic astrology. It is in Schmidt’s questionable early “reconstruction” of Antiochus.

Issues with Rhetorius

As I noted earlier, Rhetorius was at the very end of the Hellenistic tradition. He did preserve many ideas and practices from early Hellenistic astrologers. However, there was also the addition of new concepts. As Rhetorius’s text had a very significant impact on Perso-Arabic astrology, especially in the realm of horary, this development also made it easy to project later medieval astrology backward, as the way things were always done.

A contrastive opinion on Rhetorius is presented by Chris Brennan. He has noted that Rhetorius evidently rewrote a lot of the Antiochus material. In comparisons between the three texts, Rhetorius is typically the one at the greatest variance.

“He seems to have rewritten many of the definitions, in some instances to attempt to clarify the ambiguity in certain definitions, while in others in order to update them and bring them more in line with contemporary terminology and usage in the later part of the Hellenistic astrological tradition. As a result of the revisions, Rhetorius’ versions of the definitions are often at a variance with the one that appear in the Summary and in Porphyry, although in some instances they are still useful for clarifying earlier and later practices.” (Brennan, 2017, p. 86)

Porphyry as a Source

As noted, Schmidt initially took Rhetorius to be closest to Antiochus, despite the late date of Rhetorius. This was because, as Robert Hand noted in the introduction to their reconstruction, Rhetorius seemed to have copied the most. Rhetorius’s work was voluminous. However, it was not voluminous because he copied more Antiochus than anybody else. Rather, he was compiling quite a lot from different astrologers, together with his own ideas, into a compendium.

We will be taking Porphyry’s text as more representative of Antiochus. This is because the bulk of it pertains to the definitions of the Thesaurus and Porphyry was much closer in time, relatively unburdened by many of later developments in Hellenistic astrology. I will compare with Rhetorius though, indicated by a P for Porphyry’s chapter number and an R for the corresponding chapter of Rhetorius.

Rejoicing Conditions in Antiochus

Antiochus defined the domiciles (5P, 8R), as well as the exaltations and falls (6P, 7R). Interestingly, Porphyry noted that the exaltations have an aspectual rational. By contrast, Rhetorius explained the rationale at length as instead pertaining to symbolic contrasts between the signs a planet is exalted and in fall (probably following Ptolemy). We will return to this later, as Rhetorius followed the exaltation/fall passage with a similar one on houses and their opposites, clearly inspired by the exaltation/fall contrast. Still, even Rhetorius did not define a concept like “detriment” at that point in his work.

Bounds and triplicities are referred to in the Porphyry excerpts but not clearly defined. Rhetorius did explicitly define the triplicities (9R) but not the bounds. Both explore the decans (47P, 10R) and the twelfth-parts (39P, 18R).

Lack of Detriment

There is no detriment-like concept in Porphyry, indicative of the lack of that concept in Antiochus.

Actually, the concept is also lacking in the summary of Antiochus’s definitions by Rhetorius. Rhetorius only added material pertaining to how the nature of the ruler of the domiciles of the planets can be considered to “opposite” the nature of the ruler of the opposite sign, in parallel with the rationale he (Rhetorius, not Antiochus) gave for exaltation/fall. He did not give the sign opposite to the domicile a special label or define it as an anti-rejoicing condition here though. That happens instead in a different text, the summary of Teucer of Babylon on the nature of the signs, which has been attributed to Rhetorius.

Therefore, there is no evidence for detriment or a detriment-like concept in Antiochus (1st or 2nd century) or Porphyry (3rd century). There are intimations of it in Rhetorius (6th or 7th century). However, even in Rhetorius, detriment is not defined as a concept in his main text but rather in the other text attributed to him, a summary of Teucer of Babylon.

Interpretation of Dignity

In Antiochus (and Porphyry), dignity is interpreted as pertaining primarily to planetary power, as with Ptolemy, and to some extent Valens.

“Stars are said to be in their own chariots whenever they are posited in their own domicile or triplicity or exaltation and [are also] in their own terms. And a star will also be most powerful thus, even if it has come under the Sunbeams, for [then] it is even more powerful.” (Porphyry, Ch. 25, Holden trans., 2009, p. 19-20)

Ambiguous Chariot Wording

There has been some question about the accuracy of the added “are also” in the English translation, as it appears that it was a list of various conditions that could make for a “chariot” rather than restricted to being in addition to bound placement. In fact, in the translation of Rhetorius it is “or” terms rather than “and are also in their” terms (43R). In either case, as with Ptolemy, being in one’s “chariot” means an increase in the power of the planet in some sense.

Weakened Powers

Fall is the only negative sign-based condition noted (6P) and it pertains to power rather than maleficence.

“And the signs opposite the exaltations are their falls, in which they have weaker powers.” (Porphyry, Ch. 6, Holden trans., 2009, p. 10)

Malefic/Benefic Rulership

I think it is important to note that for the terms and domicile, a major consideration in Porphyry is whether the ruler is benefic or malefic. The benefic or malefic nature of the ruler of a planet’s term and sign were said to alter the quality of the planet for better or worse along benefic/malefic lines (see P49).

Porphyry explicitly considered being in the domicile and bound of a benefic especially good, and of a malefic especially bad. Therefore, there is a sense in which sign-based dignity is reinforcing to the power of the planet, for good or ill, while the benefic or malefic nature of the planet and its rulers alters the benefic/malefic quality. Again, this contrasts with the Dorothean interpretation where sign-based rejoicing makes planetary indications more benefic.

Paulus Alexandrinus on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

Paulus Alexandrinus was a notable Hellenistic astrologer of the 4th century CE. He composed his “Introductory Matters” in 378 CE.

Paulus clearly defined a variety of forms of rulership, as well as the concept of fall. He did not, however, have any concept of detriment, or the like. This is significant as he is in the 4th century, possibly 500 years removed from the foundational texts. He is already often quoting secondary sources like Ptolemy. He is an astrologer who carefully defined a large number of concepts but had no sense of “detriment” as a distinct concept whatsoever, let alone an important principle of interpretation.

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Sign-Based Conditions in Paulus

In the 2nd chapter of the work, he describes the signs of the zodiac. The description includes which planets have their domicile, exaltation, fall, and triplicity (only the first two rulers) in each sign. In the next chapter (3), Paulus outlined the bounds.  After that (in Ch. 4), Paulus outlined the decans, then the monomoiria (rulership of individual degrees; Ch. 5). Later, he defined a variety of sympathies between signs, as well as his idiosyncratic form of twelfth-parts (Ch. 22).

Interpretation in Paulus

It is hard to get a good sense of the way that Paulus interpreted a planet being in a sign or bound that it ruled, or conversely being in fall. He noted the distinctions but does not clearly provide an interpretation for a planet in a place of rulership.

Thrones

At one point he does refer to a planet in its own “throne” (Ch. 36 on the chart lord). His use of counts of rulership and his reference to “throne” both show Ptolemy’s influence. Therefore, it is assumed that Paulus was consistent with Ptolemy in his view of the fortification of a planet’s power by a share of rulership.

“For a diurnal birth, it will be necessary to examine the bound-ruler, exaltation-ruler, or trigonal master of the Sun; for a nocturnal birth the bound-ruler and house-steward of the Moon, and the rest in the manner as above. Of the aforesaid ways, when one star should have more counts than the others and should be found at morning rising on a pivot and in its own throne, this one [then] has the Rulership, especially if it should oversee the light of the sect.” (Paulus Alexandrinus, Ch. 36, Greenbaum trans., 2001, p. 75)

Firmicus Maternus on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

Maternus was a 4th-century Roman astrologer, writing in Latin. His Mathesis is a massive 8 volume work on natal astrology. Despite the massive nature of the text, the fact that it draws on diverse sources, and the inclusion of whole chapters dedicated to laying out all relevant principles of interpretation, there is no concept of detriment in Maternus’s text.

Sign-Based Conditions in Maternus

The second volume (Book II) clearly lays out all the distinctions pertaining to the signs. Chapter 2 lays out the domiciles of the planets, and there is no mention of special consideration pertaining to the signs opposite them. The next chapters outline the exaltations and falls of the planets. Maternus then goes on to discuss the decans (Ch. 5), the bounds (Ch. 7), the triplicities (16a), the twelfth-parts (Ch. 17), the antiscia (Ch. 30), and more.

His treatment of triplicities is restricted to the directional wind associated with each triplicity and does not define the lords. There is a lacuna in the text in Book II right around the discussion of sect which may have contained more information on triplicity.

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Lack of Detriment

There is no concept of detriment or anything like it in Maternus’s treatment. Maternus is yet another example of an important early Hellenistic astrologer who took pains to lay out the various sign rulerships, and noted fall, but had no detriment-like concept. As with Paulus, he is about 500 years into the tradition, and there is already an emphasis on secondary sources.

Maternus’s Interpretation

In Maternus, we see a mash-up of power, stature, and beneficence when interpreting dignity. In fact, he has the most exaggerated interpretation of dignity of any Hellenistic astrologer.

In other astrologers, we would see an emphasis on other matters for determining both strength and beneficence, with self-rulership being a relatively minor consideration. When it was considered we saw some variation between interpretations based on beneficence (Dorotheus), stature (Valens), and power or effectiveness (Valens, Ptolemy, Antiochus/Porphyry, Paulus).

With Maternus we see not only an interpretation that combines stature and benefic qualities. Furthermore, there is also the direct assertion that more planets in dignity equate to a better and more successful person.

Dignity as a Measure of Personal Value

The chapter on “The Quality of Nativities” directly correlates the quality of one’s existence with the number of planets in domicile. Surely, Maternus could not have anticipated the charts of Ted Turner and Jeffrey Dahmer.

When I first got into traditional astrology, I saw a lot of traditional work being done along these lines. It was simply assumed that planets in dignity meant “better in every way”. While this was the view of Maternus, I was pleased upon studying the other Hellenistic astrologers to see that a simple “more powerful” or “fortified” interpretation was more common, and that, in fact, other factors were typically more stressed than dignity.

The Fortune-Domicile Hierarchy

“He who has two stars in their own domiciles in opportune houses is elevated with moderate good fortune. He will be lucky beyond measure and powerful who has three. He who has four planets posited in their own domiciles attains a felicity nigh unto that of the Gods. […] But whoever has no planet posited in its own domicile will be unknown, of low degree, and always involved in wretched activities.” (Maternus, Book II, Ch. 23 [II.21], Holden trans., 2011, p. 71)

Other Dignities

In his chapter (II.3) on exaltation and fall (Chapters 3-4 of Holden), Maternus similarly associated exaltation with good fortune and high status, while fall with bad fortune and the impoverishment. He also asserted that planets are better in their exaltations than even in their own domiciles. He considered a planet in its own bound to be just like a planet in its own domicile.

Pseudo-Manetho

There is a Hellenistic text attributed to Manetho which has a similar interpretation of dignity as that given by Maternus. The dating of the text is difficult because the original author was believed to have written in the early 2nd century (born in 80 CE) but the work came together in the next couple of centuries after that with additions from other authors. In any case, a section of Book 2, starting at line 141, is very similar to the “better in every way” interpretation we find in Maternus.

“All of the stars in their own houses at the time of birth are very good; when benefic, they are better, and they give more good things; and when malefic, they give fewer bad things. Accordingly, it is particularly important to consider how many (planets) are seen to be in their own houses or terms. If they are more, they are by far better. But if they are fewer, they grant a lesser glory and profession to one’s livelihood.” (Manetho, Book II, #141-147, Lopilato trans., 1998, p. 207)

Today’s Interpretive Choices

Again, I strongly disagree with such views. I present them because it is vital to see the very different approaches of basic principles of the system in the narrow sense, which are still Hellenistic astrology in the broad sense. Valens explicitly noted that power was increased for signifying good or bad when a planet was in its own bound. Similarly, there is an emphasis on planetary power or effectiveness in Ptolemy and Antiochus/Porphyry. Dorotheus, Manetho, and Maternus see it as an increase in the good fortune associated with a planet.

These are actually quite different interpretations. They imply that the foundational texts didn’t lay out the interpretation of such positions very distinctly. It takes experience with charts and critical thinking to determine which interpretation is most fruitful (i.e. reflective of circumstances, especially at activations of the positions).

The First 500 Years: A Recap

We have looked at the major astrologers of the first 500 years of Hellenistic astrology, from about the 1st or 2nd century BCE to the end of the 4th century CE. Manilius, another 1st-century astrologer, was not explored because of his lack of significant influence on the tradition, but he too did not use detriment in his text. It is safe to conclude that “detriment” or a similar concept to it was not a part of the Hellenistic system in a narrow sense. It was quite a late addition.

We are left with some pertinent questions. First, if the pivotal early Hellenistic astrologers like Dorotheus, Ptolemy, Valens, Antiochus, Porphyry, Paulus, and Maternus didn’t require a concept of detriment, why should we? Second, where the heck did detriment come from? While pondering the first question, let’s move on to examine the second one.

Section 2: The Late Hellenistic Intimations of Detriment

We don’t see our first evidence for a detriment-like concept emerge until about the 5th century CE, and then only loosely. If remarks by Hephaistion are taken out of context or one does a fair bit of reading between the lines combining two texts attributed to Rhetorius, one comes away with a new detriment-like planetary condition.

These intimations of detriment (particularly Rheotrius) spurred its later development. However, detriment is still not clear even in these late Hellenistic intimations. See Olympiadorus (below) for evidence that detriment was still not a widespread part of astrological practice (i.e no mention in one major treatment) in the 6th century. As we’ll see in Section 3, Perso-Arabic astrologers didn’t inherit a concept of detriment. Rather, it slowly developed in the following centuries before becoming an integral part of astrological practice.

Point of Entry

Intimations of detriment are due largely to a melding of a Ptolemaic rationalizing approach to planet-sign relationships with a desire for a clean analogy between the two types of sign-based rulership (domicile and exaltation). As Ptolemy’s work became more popular in the centuries after his death, I think the environment was ripe for the development of a concept like detriment.

We see this in the addition of some of the features of detriment in Rhetorius. In Rhetorius, we clearly see an overzealous attempt at rationalizing the opposition of domiciles on analogy with exaltation and fall. It is through the influence of Rhetorius that the concept appears to have eventually become a component of Perso-Arabic astrology, and from there to later traditional astrology (European Medieval Astrology; European Renaissance Astrology; Late Traditional Astrology).

Hephaistio of Thebes on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

Hephaistio (sometimes written as Hephaistion) was an influential astrologer of the 5th century CE who sought to synthesize the methodologies of Ptolemy and Dorotheus. By Hephaistio’s time astrologers were drawing primarily on secondary sources, such as Ptolemy and Dorotheus, rather than the foundational texts. The work of Ptolemy and Dorotheus would actually shape Hephaistio’s approach.

Hephaistio wrote in Greek and often quoted directly from the Greek verses of Dorotheus. This makes him one of the best sources for Dorothean fragments true to the original. His Book III is one of the most important works of inceptional (electional and event astrology) of the Hellenistic period. It draws on Dorotheus but also a number of other astrologers to present a rich and diverse compendium of approaches to elections.

Hephaistio’s influence on the later Perso-Arabic tradition appears to have been only indirect. There does not appear to have been a translation of the three books of his Apotolesmatiks into Arabic. However, as we’ll see, he did have an impact on a number of later Byzantine compilations.

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Book I and II

Hephaistio’s Book I pertains to astrological principles and mundane astrology. Natal topics are dealt with in Book II. Hephaistio did define sign-based rejoicing conditions in Book I of his work, without any mention of detriment or a detriment-like concept in those passages. However, he has a paraphrase of Dorotheus deep in Book II concerning solar returns which some have interpreted as reflective of a detriment-like condition.

Rulerships

Hephaistio opened Book I with a chapter on the signs. This section heavily emphasizes the meaning of the decans. Chapters 6-8 present the triplicities, places the stars rejoice, as well as exaltations and falls by way of directly quoting verses of Dorotheus.

Chapter 13, a particularly confusing one, defines the ruler and co-ruler of a house, as well as the ruler of the chart. Hephaistio appears to say that the domicile lord rules a house but that one should also consider as “co-ruler” an occupant that rules its own position by exaltation, triplicity, or bound. Hephaistio’s chart lord is the planet with the most of five relations to the Sun (house, exaltation, triplicity, bound, or phase).

In Chapter 18, Hephaistio defined the twelfth-parts. In Chapter 19, Hephaistio defined the chariots and thrones in the same manner as Ptolemy (2 or more affiliations). There is no defining of a detriment-like concept in Book I, despite treatment of the other sign-based rejoicing conditions. Therefore, when Hephaistio had the explicit opportunity to define a detriment-like concept he did not.

Detriment?

As noted, Hephaistio, like the major Hellenistic astrologers before him, took pains to describe the planetary sign-based rejoicing conditions, which did not include any detriment-like concept. However, in Book II, Ch. 27, “Concerning the Year”, we find the following statement:

“That when the stars are in opposition to their own domiciles, they are corrupted.” (Hephaistio, Book II, Ch. 27, Schmidt trans., 1998, p. 81)

On the face of it, this would appear to be a clear introduction of the concept of detriment in the 5th century by Hephaistio. As Hephaistio is apparently paraphrasing Dorotheus, some might even suggest that detriment came from Dorotheus. In fact, Brennan (2017) noted this very passage as one supporting his reconstruction of detriment. Therefore, we should more closely examine the context of this passage.

Context

Part of that context involves the lack of mention of such a condition in Book I where Hephaistio lays out such conditions. The other part of the context pertains to this passage itself. I’ve noted that the Hephaistio passage occurs in a discussion of the interpretation of the solar return. This is quite a different context from the Anubio passage which is within a section on planetary configurations in the natal chart. This casts doubt on the idea that Hephaistio is here paraphrasing a passage in Dorotheus that was parallel to the passage in Anubio on opposition of a ruler. More likely, Hephaistin is paraphrasing a passage in Dorotheus on the interpretation of the solar return.

Solar Return Interpretation

The chapter, “Concerning the Year”, is an exploration of solar returns and related annual methods. The focus is particularly on the Dorothean approach to them. Let’s see the passage together with the lines before it.

“That it is also necessary to set up the Hōroskopos of the year in the counter-nativity [solar return], and the stars [planets] that contemplate it and its lord by fixity [natally] and by transit. That the stars occupying their own thrones rejoice even if they should be under the beams; the benefics increase the good things and the destroyers are changed over in the direction of beneficence. That when the stars are in opposition to their own domiciles, they are corrupted. That when we make the circumambulations of the stars in the division of the times, it is necessary to know that the contacts of the planets […]” (Hephaistio, Book II, Ch. 27, Schmidt trans., 1998, p. 80-81, bracketed items added by me)

Hephaistio goes on to make other examinations of the solar return chart and lord of the year in forecasting events for the year. The stress on the chapter “Concerning the Year” is clearly on the annual predictive techniques, especially the solar return transits. “Opposition to their own domiciles” may refer to the solar return transits. It is also slightly ambiguous. Does Hephaistion refer to solar return planets opposing the houses they rule or the houses they natally occupy?

Dorotheus on Solar Returns

The ambiguity is important. In the Schmidt translation a footnote refers the reader to Schmidt’s own Antiochus reconstruction. The concept of detriment as Schmidt constructed it from his reading of Rhetorius is projected backward onto Hephaistio, as it was onto Antiochus.

As Hephaistio is drawing primarily on Dorotheus in the section, it is more instructive to look at the manuscripts of Dorotheus that have come down to us. Interestingly, Dorotheus highlights a planet opposed to its natal position as particularly important when analyzing the solar return.

“Now I will also make clear to you the changing over of each of the seven to the places of the others. Each planet of the seven, when it reaches the place which it looked at [aspected] from the seventh [opposition] on the day the native was born [solar return], it will be harsh in misfortune.” (Dorotheus, Book IV, Ch. 4, Dykes trans., 2018, p. 221, bracketed items added by me)

Reconciling Hephaistion and Dorotheus

Hephaistio regularly attempted to synthesize Ptolemy and Dorotheus. His section on the year even ends with a short quote from Dorotheus. The section pertains primarily to the Dorothean annual methods. His passage on oppositions in the solar return appears to be a reference to the Dorothean passage on planets opposing the signs they natally occupy. That interpretation is more consistent with the evidence than an interpretation that treats this as “detriment” (sign-based debility).

That interpretation is also consistent with one of the Dorotheus Excerpts (XXXI):

“Every star which by transit is diametrical to its natal position, is difficult.” (Dorotheus, Dykes trans., 2017, p. 343)

Therefore, Hephaistion appears to have garbled a passage on the difficulty of the opposition by transit just enough to appear to introduce planetary corruption for a planet opposed to its own house. Whether he viewed that corruption as significant as a general chart principle or just in the context of solar return configurations (and elections as we’ll see below) is unclear. However, he did not feel it was important enough to mention as a general interpretive principle when treating of such principles.

Complications from a Note on Elections

Unfortunately, Hephaistio may have interpreted (perhaps incorrectly) a possibly ambiguous Dorothean passage as pertaining to opposing the house the planet rules rather than the one it occupies. In support of this view, Hephaistio notes in Book III, for the ideal electional chart “the stars should not be in diameters with their own houses and exaltations” (Ch. 2, #3, Gramaglia trans., p. 36-37).

Also in support of this view is the fact that late compilations took the passage out of its predictive context. Statements in a compilation attributed to Serapio and in the late compilation Liber Hermetis echo the solar return passage from Hephaistio about planets opposing domiciles turning bad. After all, while in the midst of a discussion of return methodology, Hephaistio also mentions how “thrones” create accidental benefics immediately prior. Therefore, it was evidently taken by some ancient compilers (and more recently Rob Schmidt, Rob Hand, and even Chris Brennan) as an interlude on dignity in the midst of a section on annual methods.

Interpolation

The Hephaistion manuscripts are from the 11th and 13th centuries. It would be all too easy for “houses” to have slipped into the elections passage, or even for the interlude about chariots and planets opposing their domiciles in the solar return to have been added.

Interpolation, the addition of small bits of material, was not uncommon in ancient astrological manuscripts. A late Byzantine compiler familiar with the later concept of detriment could easily add in a note here or there to mention an important concept they think was left out. Recognizing this possibility is not paranoia but is simply a must with ancient astrological texts. For instance, listen to the discussion with Levente Laszlo where he discusses this.

Astrological texts were used as practical manuals, so when copied it was not unusual to add additional details that a copyist thought may have been important omissions or even related passages from other texts.

Historical Context Matters

The surviving manuscripts and fragments of Dorotheus, Ptolemy, and many other major astrologers don’t show any evidence of a detriment-like concept. It became an important principle only in about the 9th century. Detriment appears to have developed without any influence from Hephaistio, whose work didn’t make it into Arabic.

As planetary corruption due to detriment was not a significant chart principle among even most early Perso-Arabic astrologers we must be wary of seeing it as an important principle in Hephaistio’s astrology or the astrology of that period, let alone prior periods. We have learned from today’s “reconstructions” of detriment into Hellenistic astrology that it is all too easy to anachronistically project later developments onto the past as if things were always done that way.

Detriment became an ubiquitous planetary debility and sign classification in astrology in the centuries prior to the copying of the surviving Hephaistio manuscripts. There is a very real possibility that the stray, somewhat out-of-place interlude on dignity that marks the first appearance of planetary corruption was not so much an innovation of Hephaistio but a later addition to the text. T

Possibilities

Was Hephaistio the first to use a planetary debility akin to detriment, back in the 5th century? It’s impossible to say on such scant evidence. If he did have a concept of detriment it was odd that he didn’t mention it when defining sign-based conditions in Book I. Why only mention it as problemantic to planets in the context of solar return transits and elections? Did he only consider it as relevant in those contexts in his own work?

Perhaps Hephaistio developed something like a concept of Detriment while in the middle of writing his work. He could have misinterpreted the Dorothean passage as implying opposition to domicile was unfortunate. After including that interpretation in Book II, maybe he felt inclined to advise that one avoid that placement in elections too just to be safe. Or perhaps one or both passages has been added to or corrupted over the centuries and no longer accurately represents what Hephaistio believed. We will probably never know.

Possible Intimations

In Hephaistio we see the possibility that detriment may have started to develop on analogy with fall. The evidence is weak. At best, Hephaistio warned to avoid putting planets in the sign opposite their domicile in elections, and that such planets are corrupted in solar returns. If that is the case, then still for Hephaistio it had not become a chart principle important enough to define in the book delineating the main distinctions of the chart.

At worse, passages on solar returns and elections were mangled just enough over more than 600 years of transmission to the form we are left with to give the impression of something like detriment. As noted, the solar return passage is fairly ambiguous when considered together with the surviving Dorotheus. The electional passage would just need the interpolation of a couple words.

Legacy

Hephaistio was not translated into Arabic. His influence on that tradition could’ve been only indirect, unlike Rhetorius whose influence on the later tradition was great. He is an astrologer who took pains to define sign-based rejoicing and debility. He didn’t define a detriment-like concept, yet also may have made comments hinting at something like detriment. In that his text stands as a point of transition toward detriment’s development.

His legacy lies primarily in later compilations like that attributed to Serapio, as well as the Liber Hermetis. More on such works below. In such works, the passage about planets opposing their houses turning bad is echoed, though outside of a return transit context.

Interpretation of Dignity

The Hephaistio quote from Book II which I cited above reflects a Dorothean interpretation of dignity. Benefics become more benefic, malefics become less malefic. As Hephaistio was synthesizing Ptolemy and Dorotheus, it is possible that he fused both of their interpretations. A fusion in which planets in a place of rulership became both more powerful or prominent and more benefic (i.e. simply better) came to predominate in the later tradition.

Olympiadorus on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

Olympiadorus is a 6th century astrologer who commented upon the work of Paulus Alexandrinus. I won’t devote a lot of attention to him here. A couple things are notable about him though. First, there is no detriment in the text.

The commentary is from the 6th century and shows emphases pertaining to the late tradition such quadrant houses. Still, Olympiadorus does not refer to any detriment-like concept in it. This speaks against the assumption that a “detriment-like” concept was an established part of Hellenistic astrological practice even as late as the 6th century (in fact, it never was as established part of Hellenistic practice).

Corrects the Idiosyncratic Twelfth-Parts

The second notable thing is that while Paulus used an idiosyncratic form of twelfth-parts in which a position was multiplied by 13 rather than 12, Olympiadorus in his commentary instructs to use the typical twelfth-parts (see Greenbaum trans., 2001, p. 82 & p. 102-103).

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Rhetorius on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

As noted, Chris Brennan credited Rhetorius with the first definition of a detriment-like condition in Hellenistic astrology. Rhetorius is typically dated to the 6th or 7th century CE. He is often considered the last notable Hellenistic astrologer; the bookend to Hellenistic astrology.

Rhetorius wrote a large Compendium which includes material from a wide variety of sources, together with his own commentary. The work is quite varied. There are a number of references to sign-based rejoicing conditions.

Two passages attributed to Rhetorius are often referred to as our best Hellenistic source of a detriment-like concept. However, the one that gets the most attention, his passage on definitions, actually contains no clear reference to such a condition. The clearest reference is actually in the second place, the summary of Teucer of Babylon’s treatment of the signs of the zodiac that was attributed to him. Let’s look at the two passages in more detail.

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Rhetorius on the Contrariety of the Planetary Rulers

The passage that is cited the most with regard to a detriment-like condition in Hellenistic astrology is Chapter 8 of the Compendium. Its title may be translated as “The Oppositions of the Stars” (Holden trans.) or “Concerning the Contrarieties of the Stars” (Schmidt trans., 1993 Antiochus reconstruction). However, before we can analyze the passage in some depth, we need to familiarize ourselves with the terminology used in the Greek and the various translation conventiones that have emerged for it.

Terminology: In the Anti

The Ancient Greek term at issue, which is variously translated as “opposition” or “contrariety” is “enantiōma”. Related terms, involving the same compond root of “en-anti”, also appear in Hellenistic astrological texts (and other Hellenistic texts in general), and were relatively common. he root term “en” is cognate with English “in” while the root term “anti” is common in English as it was borrowed from Ancient Greek. Terms with the “en-anti” root then have a sense of being in-the-anti, or in the opposing position. It has a relatively similar range of meaning as “opposition” words in English, such as “opposite” and “opponent”.

Two Translation Conventions

Robert Schmidt and James Herschel Holden were among our most competent translators of Greek astrological texts. Holden chose “opposition”, while Schmidt opted for “contrariety”. While both quite accurately capture the meaning in Rhetorius, the wording chosen by Schmidt appeared to have one slight advantage. It captured the fact that different terms were typically used for the aspect of opposition (i.e. diameter, in the 7th from). At least that’s how the story goes. And since different terms were typically used for the opposition aspect, enantioma was taken to be the term for a particularly special form of opposition or contrariety – the Hellenistic detriment.

However, as I later discovered, enanti terms were in fact used by astrologers for the simple configuration of opposition. While not the most common term, it was a ready enough alternative form for the simple oppositional aspect (for evidence see here). An astrologer reading a Hellenistic text would be aware of this common meaning of this common term. The most similar English term, which is just as common, has a similar range of meaning, and can also be used for the aspect is “opposite” and its derivatives (opposition). Therefore, it has emerged that “opposite” or “opposition” is the more accurate translation.

Ptolemaic-Style Justification for Arrangement or Planetary Condition?

Both Schmidt and Holden’s translations of the passage are quite consistent, apart from the choice of opposite or contrary for the key term. This is an important fact because it is often asserted that the passage says something it does not. The passage does not say that a planet is in a state of contrariety when it is in a position opposite its own house. It is lacking any comments on a planetary debility. Rather, the passage states that each house is contrary/opposite another house because the rulers of those houses have contrary/opposite natures.

In other words, it is a Ptolemaic-style justification for the arrangement of houses. Rhetorius, playing on the meanings of the root for opposite (enanti), provides a rationale in which houses are arranged opposite each other because they are ruled by planets that are “opposites”.

What it is lacking, is any statement that a planet is itself in a “contrary” condition when opposite its own house. Without such a statement there is no detriment-like condition (i.e. condition of planetary debility in the sign opposite the domicile).

Exaltations and Falls

As noted earlier, the work by Antiochus, as summarized in Porphyry, gave no rationale for the arrangement of exaltations and falls. On the other hand, Ptolemy gave a detailed justification, as he felt that such arrangements had to be explained by an appeal to the qualitative natures of things. In Rhetorius, just before his treatment of the Contrarieties of the Stars, he gives us a Ptolemaic treatment of exaltations and depressions (Ch. 7).

“Having said then all the physical mixture of the signs, we will come to the causes of the exaltations and falls and the opposites of the stars; for what reason is the Sun exalted here, Saturn in its fall there; and Saturn exalted here, and the Sun in its fall there? For we say that the Sun is the storehouse of fire and light and the lord of the day, but Saturn on the other hand is cold signifying darkness.” (Rhetorius, Ch. 7, Holden trans., 2009, p. 6)

Recalling Ptolemy

Note the use of Ptolemaic language like “cause” and “physical mixture” in the quote above. Let’s look at similar statements by Ptolemy on exaltation.

“Saturn again, in order to have a position opposite to sun, as also in the matter of their houses, took, contrariwise, Libra as his exaltation and Aries as his depression. For where heat increases there cold diminishes, and where the former diminishes cold on the contrary increases.” (Ptolemy, Book I, Ch. 19, Robbins trans., 1940)

We should also recall Ptolemy’s own treatment of why the domiciles of the luminaries and Saturn are opposite each other, as I cited above.

“Since of the twelve signs the most northern, which are closer than the others to our zenith and therefore most productive of heat and of warmth are Cancer and Leo, they assigned these to the greatest and most powerful heavenly bodies, that is, to the luminaries […] For to Saturn, in whose nature cold prevails, as opposed to heat, and which occupies the orbit highest and farthest from the luminaries, were assigned the signs opposite Cancer and Leo, namely Capricorn and Aquarius, with the additional reason that these signs are cold and wintry […]” (Ptolemy, Book I, Ch. 17, Robbins trans., 1940)

The Ptolemaic Precursor

In the Ptolemaic passages from which I’ve drawn the excerpts above, Ptolemy already rationalized rulership arrangements by quality, including planetary quality. He also drew a parallel between exaltation/fall and houses opposed to each other. You see, Ptolemy noted that the oppositions between the homes of luminaries and those of Saturn pertain to the contrary qualities of the signs. Yet, he also pointed to the opposition between the Sun’s exaltation and that of Saturn based on planetary qualities.

Following Ptolemy’s model, Rhetorius only invented a rationale to go along with every opposition of signs based on contrary qualities of rulers, both exaltation and domicile. In Chapter 7, Rhetorius gave his Ptolemaic style exposition of contrary exaltation rulers. In Chapter 8, he does so for domicile rulers. However, he does not go very far beyond Ptolemy here. Like Ptolemy, he only offers a sort of rationale of arrangement. He does not name a new condition of planetary debility called contrariety which a planet can find itself in.

Rhetorius on Contrariety

Below, you will find a quote from the first section of Holden’s (2009) translation of Chapter 8 of Rhetorius. This is the controversial section. I put in brackets where Schmidt used the terms contrary or contrariety in his 1993 translation of the same passage (his Antiochus “reconstruction”).

“For what reason are the domiciles of the Sun and the Moon opposite [contrary] to the domiciles of Saturn? We say that the Sun and the Moon are the luminaries of the world, but Saturn is the lord of darkness. Then always is the light opposite [contrary] to the darkness and the darkness to the light. Again, on what account are the domiciles of Mercury opposite [contrary] to the domiciles of Jupiter and the domiciles of Jupiter opposite [contrary] to the domiciles of Mercury? We say that Jupiter is the ruler of wealth and abundance, but Mercury is always the lord of words; for logic is always opposed [contrary] to and contemptuous of the desire for wealth, and abundance is opposed [contrary] to logic. Again, for what reason are the domiciles of Mars opposed [contrary] to the domiciles of Venus? We say that Venus is the ruler of all desire and enjoyment and pleasure, but Mars of all fear and war and anger. Always then are enjoyment and longing and pleasure opposed [contrary] to dread and irascibility and hostility.” (Rhetorius, Ch. 8, Holden trans., 2009, p. 7-8)

Rhetorius then goes on to explore how configurations of Venus with Mars, and Venus with Saturn, result in issues with fidelity and reproduction due to their opposite meanings.

Contrary Significations?

Rhetorius’s logic is very questionable. Mercury, the traditional planet of commerce is suddenly “opposed” to wealth? Mars, the traditional planet of passion is “opposed” to desire? There is little “natural” or “inevitable” about these supposedly contrary qualities. All planets have some similar and some contrary significations.

Venus surely has more contrast with Saturn than with Mars, its passionate nocturnal sect mate. For first century Romans, there was concern about whether it was safe to allow the worship of three particular gods within the city. Those three were Vulcan for risk of fire, and then Venus and Mars due to their arousing passions. Oddly in Rhetorius’s scheme, the planet of sexuality (Venus) is even of a contrary nature to a water sign that rules the genitals (Scorpio).

Venus-Saturn

Rhetorius quickly moves from considering Venus-Mars combinations to dwelling on Venus-Saturn ones. However, Venus and Saturn don’t have opposing domciles, and Saturn is in fact exalted in one of Venus’s signs (Libra). The common thread in the passage about problematic combinations of planets with contrary qualities is Venus when combined with a malefic – not the combination of two planets that rule opposing domiciles.

It is clear that any combination of a planet with significations of a malefic could be potentially problematic. That is because malefics signify extremes.

Mercury-Jupiter as a Malefic-Free Example

On the other hand, it is not clear why planets which rule opposite domiciles should pose any problem in combination. For instance, in Book I, Ch. 19, on “the combinations of the stars”, Valens notes among other things that combinations of Mercury with Jupiter (and Moon with Saturn) are beneficial and that the two planets are in harmony. Are they in harmony as Valens asserted or opposed in quality as Rhetorius asserted? Dorotheus, Manetho, and Valens all gave delineations for Mercury-Jupiter combinations that are exceedingly positive.

Therefore, Rhetorius stretched Ptolemaic logic, and his play on the word “opposite”, beyond their limits. He arrived at a rationale for house opposition that is not traditional. Unfortunately, it has been taken by some to imply a whole new doctrine of contariety as well which leads to interpretations of planetary combination and planet with sign that are inconsistent with early Hellenistic astrology. Rhetorius’s remarks on the arrangement of the houses should be taken with quite a bit of salt.

Conclusions on Contariety

Again, Rhetorius does not create a planetary condition in the passage on contrariety. There is no planetary debility called “contrariety” being evoked. Rather, this section is simply an elaboration of the sort of justifications given by Ptolemy for the rulership arrangements. If this were the only passage attributed to Rhetorius on opposition to domicile, then we’d have to conclude the Rhetorius did not have a detriment-like concept.

Rhetorius on the Signs

The section of Rhetorius where detriment suddenly appears as a planetary condition is more controversial. It is actually another text entirely – a summary of Teucer of Babylon on the signs of the zodiac which was said to be a translation made and added to by Rhetorius. It is controversial for a number of reasons.

Controversial Features

First and foremost, the section is attributed to Teucer of Babylon but shows evidence of the interpolation of material from Ptolemy. Therefore, it is clearly not just material from Teucer of Babylon (an astrologer typically dated to the 1st century or earlier). It is likely material by Teucer that was compiled with material by other astrologers on the signs, perhaps even with additions by Rhetorius himself.

Second, there is some controversy as to whether the material is even from Rhetorius. It is not part of the main compendium. Holden, in a History of Horoscopic Astrology, puts “Rhetorius” in quotes as the author of the material. He noted that he put Rhetorius in quotes because Pingree had suggested it is not certain whether Rhetorius actually authored the material. A later compiler, summarizing and adding to Teucer, may have written this material which was attributed to Rhetorius.

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Third, Holden translates passages as saying X sign is the “detriment” of Y planet. This is clearly an anachronistic translation. It projects the later concept of “detriment” which would have been unknown to the reader in that day, into a Hellenistic text. Holden doesn’t specify what Greek term he is translating as “detriment”.

The Detriment Of…

The text, in Holden’s translation, clearly identifies which sign is the “detriment” of each planet.

“The sign Aries is {…}. domicile of Mars, the exaltation of the Sun, around the 19th degree, the fall of Saturn around the 21st degree, the triplicity by day of the Sun, by night of Jupiter, common [to both] Saturn, the detriment of Venus.” (Rhetorius, The Twelve Signs from Teucer of Babylon, Holden trans., 2009, p. 167, curly brackets and bolding added)

Similarly, Taurus is said to be the “detriment of Mars” and so forth for many of the other signs.

Translation Convention

Of course, it would be helpful to know what Holden is here translating as “detriment”. The section he is translating is freely available for analysis at this link. It is page 194-213 of CCAG 7. Please see the top of page 195, which is the tail end of the section I quoted a translation for above on Aries. You will find the following text from about the middle of the second line (accents and breathing marks omitted):

“εναντιωμα Αφροδιτης”

In our spelling, this is ‘enantíoma Aphrodítes’. The most direct translation is “opposite of Venus”. Thus, in the sign descriptions attributed to Rhetorius (and Teucer), we find our first instance of “contrariety” or “opposite” as a planetary condition. It is now Venus that is in its “opposite” or “contrariety” in Aries, rather than just that Aries is opposite to Libra because Mars has a nature that is the opposite of Venus, as in the passage in the actual compendium.

Note also that the translation of “detriment” is not appropriate here. The term can mean opposition, contrariety, or something like that. Holden consistently translated “opposition” or “opposite” in the compendium but then the same term consistently as “detriment” in this passage. This differing translation convention obscures the use of the same term in the two passages.

It also obscures the use of a term that doesn’t necessarily imply debility. For instance, a term like “kakunontai” (turned bad; corrupted) is more readily associated with adversity or affliction, but it is not the term used here. Instead, we find the odd classification of some signs as the “opposite” or “contrariety” of planets that rule the domiciles opposite to them.

Interpretation of Dignity

Let’s change gears for a second to look at how Rhetorius seems to interpret sign-based dignity.

One significant difference between Rhetorius and Porphyry is that Rhetorius has two sections on fortified planets. First, a section on “Fortified Stars” (Ch. 42R) equates being in domicile, exaltation, term, or proper face with being stronger or fortified. This interpretation and the inclusion of proper face speak to the influence of Ptolemy, and possibly also Antiochus.

Next, his section on “Chariots” (Ch. 43R) has the same situation increasing the good of benefics and changing malefics into a good influence. This interpretation is consistent with Dorotheus.

In other words, Rhetorius tries to have it both ways, a strength and a beneficence interpretation. This is a melding of Ptolemaic and Dorothean views, actually stated one chapter after another. As I noted earlier, the combination of strength and beneficence (i.e. simply better) largely came to prevail in the later tradition. Such an interpretation is a consequence of synthesizing the competing views rather than selecting among them.

Did Rhetorius Use Detriment?

For the time being, let’s assume that Rhetorius did author the passages on the signs. This is not an uncontroversial assumption. We still then just see some development toward detriment. It is not clearly laid out or defined but comes together by adding up disparate statements between two texts and reading between the lines.

Reading Between the Lines

First, Rhetorius identified a parallel between exaltation and domicile logic based on planetary natures. Secondly, Rhetorius emphasized that signs opposite each other have rulers with opposing qualities. Third, Rhetorius emphasized that ill effects from planetary configurations come about due to contrary natures. Basically, we have an analogy with fall and some reworked and expanded Ptolemaic logic.

In the separate work on signs attributed to Rhetorius, the signs opposite a planet’s domicile are noted as the “opposite” or “contrariety” of a planet. Here, oppositeness or contrariety becomes a sign classification. Only when we take this together with the comments about the ill effects produced by contrary natures (the Venus-Mars and Venus-Saturn passage) can one infer something like detriment.

That is, one must assume that the signs classified as the “opposites” of certain planets are places where those planets have a debility due to the contrary nature of the ruler of the sign. That assertion is never explicitly made, even in the Teucer material.

The Foundation of Detriment

Clearly, at some point, a Perso-Arabic astrologer put these pieces together such that a detriment-like concept truly became defined. However, as we’ll see, such a concept is not simply inevitable from the study of Rhetorius. Theophilus of Edessa (early 8th century) drew heavily upon Rhetorius yet didn’t have a detriment-like planetary debility. I attempt to trace detriment’s entrance and development in the Perso-Arabic tradition in Section 3 below.

Misleading Impressions

Unfortunately, between Schmidt’s early “Antiochus’ reconstruction, Holden’s Rhetorius translation, and commentary by modern astrologers on Rhetorius, we have been left with false impressions. We are told that a detriment-like concept was already well-formed in Rhetorius’s Compendium. It is supposed to be clear in Chapter 8, on the oppositions of the signs. Instead, we find only a somewhat convoluted theory of oppositeness or contrariety as a rationale for domicile arrangement, drawing heavily upon Ptolemy.

Loose Ends: Serapio and Liber Hermetis

In Schmidt’s Definitions and Foundations, detriment was ultimately reconstructed based on a passage attributed to Serapio of Alexandria. Serapio of Alexandria was an early Hellenistic astrologer, sometimes placed in the 1st century.

Unfortunately, the particular text with the “detriment” passage is one that is known to be a late compilation. It contains material from many authors. It is attributed to Serapio but is known to contain later added material (much like the “Teucer” signs material discussed above). The passage is nearly identical to the solar return passage in Hephaistio, so it appears to be merely an echo of that passage. Another near identical passage appears in another late compilation, the Liber Hermetis, again apparently drawing from Hephaistio.

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Stars Contrary to their Houses Do Bad

The passage at issue can be found in CCAG 8, Part 4, at the very top of page 231 (first line; click here for link). A transliteration is “Hoti hoi asteres enantioumenoi tois idiois oikois kakunontai.”. The verb here, “kakuno” (base “kakun-“), means “to damage” or “to corrupt” (including corrupt in a moral sense). The suffix on the verb, “ontai”, is the passive voice third-person plural ending. Therefore, “are corrupted” can be a fairly clear literal translation.

The translation by Eduardo Gramaglia (2013, p. 9, click here to read) is “The stars opposing their own places do bad.” The translation is accurate enough. It incorporates the concept of contrariety/opposition as a form of planetary corruption.

Hephaistio’s Solar Return Advice Becomes a Planetary Condition

The passage is exactly word-for-word in Ancient Greek identical to Hephaistio’s solar return passage (see Pingree’s edition of Hephaistio, 1973, p. 198, lines 17-18). A similar Latin passage also appears in the Liber Hermetis, a late compendium of Hellenistic astrology. However, I noted that the solar return passage was ambiguous in Hephaistio, as it appears to paraphrase Dorotheus’s advice on return transits. Dorotheus’s advice has come down to us as planets in the return opposing their natal positions indicate misfortune.

The Hephaistio passage is in the context of solar returns. Rhetorius requires you to put together his statements on contrariety in the compendium with the other material on signs attributed to him in another work. By contrast, these short pithy statement are clear. They state simply that a planet opposing its own house is corrupted or bad – clear planetary debility. Therefore, you’ll likely see these passages emphasized as evidence that detriment was a Hellenistic principle. Furthermore, Serapio’s early date makes him a particularly appealing poster child, as we saw with Schmidt’s use in Definitions and Foundations.

Late Compilations with Textual Issues

The problem with both sources is that they are late compilations known to contain numerous later additions. In fact, as I noted this is may also be an issue with the Teucer/Rhetorius material on the signs.

Brennan (2017), unlike Schmidt, did not draw on Serapio for his reconstruction. This is because, as he noted (p. 250, footnotes 95 & 97), David Pingree had already warned that this particular text attributed to Serapio was a late compilation with many evident interpolations. Brennan actually admitted that the passage in the Serapio text most likely derived from Hephaistio (2017, p. 250, fn 97) due to the identical wording.

Liber Hermetis

Problematically, Brennan still draws on the nearly identical passage in the Liber Hermetis. That passage is even more obviously a late compilation. It also appears to draw straight from the same line in Hephaistio. The Liber Hermetis is believed to have been compiled in the 6th or 7th century based on style and content, though possibly later. It survives only in a 15th-century Latin manuscript.

The occurrence of an out of context line from Hephaistio in these late compilations is insufficient evidence that a detriment-like concept was ever part of the Hellenistic system.

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The Road to Detriment

In these works (Serapio and Liber Hermetis) we see advice about a solar return indication transformed into an interpretive principle. The Hephaistio advice taken out of its solar return context becomes a dictum about planetary condition.

Therefore, we can see two major “sources” for the later full development of “detriment”: 1. Hephaistio’s 5th century solar return advice, which may have itself been a fuzzy interpretation of Dorotheus, became transformed in later compilations into an interpretive edict; 2. Rhetorius’s 6th or 7th century Ptolemaic style elaboration of rulership logic based on contrary qualities was transformed into a planetary condition of debility. Detriment was not fully formed or clearly defined in either late Hellenistic source but as through a game of telephone it would eventually coalesce into that concept over the next few centuries.

Section 3: The Development of Detriment in Perso-Arabic Astrology

We’ve seen that around the time of the 5th-7th century a loose concept of problematic contrariety may have taken shape in some texts. It was heavily influenced by a Ptolemaic approach to planetary combination and rationalizing arrangements. At some point in later compilations, this concept was increasingly expressed as a detriment-like principle of interpretation.

We know that by the mid 9th century, detriment was firmly established as a principle of planetary interpretation on par with depression (fall). For instance, it is found in the very thorough introductory works of Perso-Arabic astrologers Abu Ma’shar (mid-9th century) and al-Qabisi (10th century).

We saw that it didn’t seem so firmly established at the end of the Hellenistic period. One must take Hephaistio’s comments out of context or infer a new planetary condition based on disparate passages of Rhetorius. Additionally, the concept is absent from the earlier astrologers. Did the Perso-Arabic tradition simply inherit detriment or did they develop it further?

An Absence Seldom Noticed

I have noted how those studying Hellenistic astrology seldom notice what’s not there. The awareness of the lack of anything akin to detriment in nearly all of the texts is seldom commented upon. There is also very little awareness that there were initially slightly varying interpretations of sign-based rejoicing, which fused later in the tradition.

We find ourselves in a similar situation with Perso-Arabic astrology. Detriment is actually lacking in most of the early texts. It was not an integral part of the common system and does not appear to have been an important part of early practice. It is because of an emphasis on certain astrologers of the 9th and 10th centuries that we get the impression that “detriment” was an important part of Perso-Arabic astrology.

Certain astrologers of that period, such as Sahl, Abu Ma’shar, and al-Qabisi, were particularly strong influences upon the later European tradition. Therefore, much of what we think of today as “medieval” astrology tends to reflect their principles and approaches.

A Smaller Role than Supposed

Benjamin Dykes, in his introduction to his compilation “Works of Sahl and Masha’allah” (2008), noted that “detriment” is seldom an integral concept in medieval texts.

“It might come as a surprise to learn that most medieval texts (including those in this volume) do not refer to the seventh sign as the sign of “detriment.” It seems to be a later development. The medieval texts are very much concerned with the descension or fall (the opposite of exaltation), but they do not give a formal name to the opposite of one’s domicile, and rarely mention it.” (Dykes, 2008, p. xxix-xxx)

Dykes goes on to himself “reconstruct what the real meaning of the sign of detriment is, assuming that we should give it greater prominence than the medieval astrologers generally do” (Dykes, 2008, p. xxx). But then again, why should we give it greater prominence than the medieval astrologers generally do? Well, Dykes very frequently references Schmidt’s Antiochus reconstruction and the Serapio text in his works in reference to detriment. If it is a concept in Hellenistic astrology, then one wonders how it is similar or different in Perso-Arabic astrology.

Schmidt’s authority here leads one to believe that detriment was integral to the Hellenistic system. Perhaps it was less emphasized or a bit different in the medieval one. In fact, the rather light references to the condition in the medieval texts represent its development out of mere intimations in Hellenistic astrology. It is absent from most medieval texts, particularly most written before the 9th century, but we can still trace its development and slow ascendancy.

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Theophilus of Edessa

Theophilus is of interest as he is a bridge between the two traditions. He wrote in Greek and drew heavily from Dorotheus and Rhetorius. He was a Christian that served as astrologer for the Abbasid Muslim Caliph al-Mahdi in the 8th century. Theophilus wrote a number of astrological works, with a focus on elections and mundane astrology. These were translated into English and collected in one volume by Ben Dykes (2017).

Interestingly, Theophilus does not appear to have had a concept of detriment, despite drawing on Rhetorius. He interprets dignity like Dorotheus, often suggesting that domicile and exaltation can make significations more benefic. By contrast, fall and alien places (peregrine) make a planet more malefic. He also suggests that exaltation pertains to eminence and fall to a base stature (see On Various Inceptions, Ch. I.29). However, he doesn’t mention a detriment-like condition in such passages.

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Delineation

At certain points, Theophilus delineates the indications of planets in signs, particularly in a mundane astrological context. The delineations are inconsistent with what we’d expect if detriment were corrupting.

I have quoted a couple stray remarks on the transits of planets through signs. The indications are not a matter of dignity or disability but involve more complex and sometimes opaque symbolism. For instance, Jupiter in Gemini brings largely positive indications for the world (triplicity but also opposite its domicile Sagittarius) while Jupiter in Libra (also triplicity) has many negative indications.

“Jupiter transiting the sign of Gemini is significant of healthiness and strength.” (Theophilus, Ch. 10, #17, Dykes, 2017, p. 170)

Compare:

“Jupiter transiting the sign of Libra instills false hopes and disturbances within the souls of men.” (Theophilus, Ch. 10, #49, Dykes, 2017, p 171)

RC Opposition Indications

There are a few times that the opposition of a ruler to a lot, planet, or place it rules is noted in relation to some indication by Theophilus. These indications are of a different sort altogether from something like “detriment”. Mention of such ruler’s configurations (RC) are seldom in Hellenistic astrology but there are a few mentions between Dorotheus, Valens, and Rhetorius. A couple of such statements, originally from Dorotheus and Rhetorius, are noted by Theophilus. They do not pertain to a planetary debility at all but to the meaning of opposition being involved in the indication.

The aspect of opposition, unlike detriment, was an integral part of the Hellenistic system and practice. Opposition confers meanings pertaining to separation, distinction, obstacle, hindrance, or polarity. The few opposition by the ruler configuration indications bring in such meanings consistent with the concepts of ruler and opposition. However, they say nothing about planetary condition being affected by the nature of the sign or its ruler. Therefore, they pertain to opposition, not to a planetary debility.

Note on Exile

See the part of Section 4 on the Brennan reconstruction for further analysis of such configurations. Brennan uses a couple of such configurations to propose a detriment-like concept of “exile” as part of the Hellenistic system. I note that other uses of such configurations in the literature show that exile fails to capture the range of meanings expressed. On the other hand, aspectual opposition does capture the range of meanings. Even more importantly “exile” proposes a new planetary debility, while “opposition” is the use of a well-established Hellenistic configuration.

Conclusions on Theophilus

I’ve spent more time on Theophilus than I will on the other Perso-Arabic astrologers. This is for two reasons. First, the concept of “detriment” was supposedly already developed in the Hellenistic period, yet Theophilus doesn’t use it. Therefore, even after the end of the Hellenistic period, major astrologers could still not have any knowledge of a detriment-like concept.

Second, and relatedly, Theophilus drew heavily on Rhetorius. Rhetorius has been suggested to have given a clear definition of a detriment-like concept (contrariety). However, Theophilus apparently didn’t pick up the concept from his study of Rhetorius. This strongly supports my claim that detriment was not clearly defined by Rhetorius.

‘Umar al-Tabari and Abu Bakr

‘Umar al-Tabari was an influential Perso-Arabic astrologer of the late 8th century. Abu Bakr was another influential Perso-Arabic astrologer, but a bit later, probably working in the mid-9th century. I do not have access to all of their works. However, the natal materials (compiled in Persian Nativities II by Dykes) which I have read don’t show any clear evidence for the use of detriment-like debility.

The natal work by Abu Bakr (On Nativities) is notable as a particularly voluminous text. “Three Books of Nativities” by ‘Umar is briefer but probably even more influential. These are thorough, influential works on natal astrology, with no concern for detriment.

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Sign-Based Conditions

These astrologers did discuss sign-based dignity in their delineations, including domicile, exaltation, triplicity, bound, and fall, but not detriment. In fact, peregrination (not having any dignity in a place) is by far the most oft-cited sign-based debility in their works (just as in Hellenistic astrology).

Their works span the early-to-middle period of the practice of Perso-Arabic astrology (8th to mid-9th century). Clearly, detriment was not a well-established or important part of the “system” even many centuries into the practice of Perso-Arabic astrology.

Integral to the Perso-Arabic System?

Earlier I distinguished the Hellenistic system in a narrow sense from Hellenistic practice in a broad one. We should do the same for Perso-Arabic astrology. However, here the “foundational texts” are not the lost texts of the 1st or 2nd century BCE. Here the foundational texts are primarily the surviving Hellenistic works, together with some Persian and Indian ones.

The absence of “detriment” in Theophilus and many works reaching even up to the 9th century raises an important question. Can “detriment” even be considered an integral part of the Perso-Arabic astrological system? After all, this planetary condition was not a vital common element drawn on by early Perso-Arabic astrologers. It only became so with time due to the influence of a few, particularly influential astrologers.

Al-Andarzaghar

Al-Andarzaghar is a much more mysterious figure in Perso-Arabic astrology. His dating is uncertain. He is sometimes placed as early as the 7th century. He is certainly prior to Sahl (flourished early 9th century) who drew heavily upon him. He is also definitely after Rhetorius (6th or 7th century). Perhaps he dates to the 8th century, but it is unclear.

A very influential book on nativities called The Book of Aristotle was believed by Pingree, and for a time by Ben Dykes, to be a work by Masha’allah. Dykes has in more recent years presented compelling evidence that it was actually a work by al-Andarzaghar. It will be treated as a work by al-Andarzaghar here. However, note that it was published by Dykes as a work by Masha’allah (in Persian Nativities I), so excuse the confusing references.

The Book of Aristotle

While translating Sahl’s enormous work on nativities, Ben Dykes came to the realization that the Book of Aristotle was authored by al-Andarzaghar. This is because Sahl’s work includes nearly everything in the Book of Aristotle on natal topics and it all is attributed to al-Andarzaghar.

“But as I looked more at Sahl’s On Nativities, I realized two things: first, the so-called Book of Aristotle was not by Masha’allah at all, but by the earlier Persian astrologer al-Andarzaghar […]” (Dykes, 2019, from Introduction to Bishr, p. 2)

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The Father of Detriment?

If Rhetorius was the godfather of detriment, then al-Andarzaghar may be its birth father. Additionally, this might not have been a planned pregnancy.

You see, al-Andarzaghar made some very strong remarks about the debility associated with a planet in the sign opposite its domicile. However, he called the condition a planet in its “fall” and presented it instead of, rather than together with, the usual concept of fall. His secondary term for the condition “wabal” means unhealthiness, harm, or bad results. It became the standard term for the condition in the tradition, and with a meaning quite consistent with the later term “detriment”.

Rhetorius Between the Lines

The “wabal” condition is cited as a planetary corruption by Sahl, following al-Andarzaghar. It also picked up by later Perso-Arabic astrologers and ends up being a formal concept defined in late Perso-Arabic introductory texts.

The notion appears to be from a between-the-lines reading of Rhetorius. Al-Andarzaghar did draw on Rhetorius in some other places in the text. The harm or unhealthiness associated with the contrariety appears to derive from his interpretation of Rhetorius.

Mysterious Origins

I highly recommend that one reads Dykes introductions to Sahl and Theophilus. He discusses the transmission of Rhetorius in some depth. Rhetorius’s work is evidenced by Theophilus, al-Andarzaghar, and at least one other Persian (Buzurjmihr). Interestingly, Rhetorius’s name is never mentioned by these astrologers. The Rhetorius material simply found its way into the Persian tradition. Dykes argues that it was transmitted to the Perso-Arabic tradition primarily through al-Andarzaghar.

Al-Andarzaghar is the one source that uses “detriment”. This is a significant set of facts. It means that detriment was developed from Rhetorius’s contrariety perhaps only once, through al-Andarzaghar. It arrives amidst general principles of Hellenistic astrology as filtered through the Persians. The fact that it is based on comments by just one very late Hellenistic astrologer was lost to the Persians. Therefore, it simply comes into the medieval tradition as a doctrine with mysterious origins that was heavily stressed by al-Andarzaghar, a highly respected early Persian astrologer.

The New Fall?

Al-Andarzaghar opened Book II of The Book of Aristotle by noting 7 ways in which planets can be corrupted. Interestingly, the only one of these that is a sign-based debility is a detriment-like concept, but one called “falling”. By contrast, the actual condition of “fall” is not mentioned.

“Fifthly, whether they would be falling, staying in the opposite of their own domicile-namely the wabāl.” (Masha’allah, Book II, Ch. 1, Dykes, 2009, p. 18)

Clarifying the “Falls” of the Planets

Well, maybe he just said opposite of their domicile by mistake, and actually meant exaltation, right? Wrong. Later in that book, he says more about each form of planetary corruption. He makes it very clear that each planet’s fall is opposite its domicile.

“On the other hand, wabāl or falling is said to be whenever any star is regarding its own domicile from the opposite: like if the Sun would be staying in Aquarius, the Moon would be traversing in Capricorn; moreover Venus has [her] fall in Scorpio and Aries, Mercury in Sagittarius and Pisces, Saturn in Cancer and Leo, Jupiter in Gemini and Virgo, Mars in Libra and Taurus. Which if it would happen thus, they are said to have undergone misfortune.” (Masha’allah, Book II, Ch. 8, Dykes, 2009, p. 24-25)

The 7 Corruptions

For the curious, I provide the 7 planetary corruptions named by al-Andarzaghar, with a short title descriptor for each.

  1. Under the Beams: attend to the appearances, disappearances, and the stations (under the beams is the stressed condition here).
  2. Nodes: traversing with the Lunar Nodes (though later he describes the syzygies)
  3. Enclosure: enclosure by malefics
  4. House: placement in the 6th or 12th house
  5. Detriment: placement opposite the domicile
  6. Aspect: degree-based applying conjunction, square, or opposition with malefic
  7. Retrograde
Regular Fall

For the most part, it is difficult to discern whether al-Andarzaghar was aware of and used the more traditional version of fall. He refers to fall often in the text but without redefining it, so we must assume that references are actually to this “new fall”. There is only one except, which is a comment in Book III, Ch. 3.4, where he notes that the Moon in Scorpio, especially its 3rd degree, bodes badly for the fetus because it is the Moon’s fall. This is the only passage I was able to find in The Book of Aristotle that clearly refers to the more traditional concept of fall.

A Detriment More Important Than Fall

There is a relative absence of traditional “fall” from the text of al-Andarzaghar, coupled with stress on corruption associated with detriment. Therefore, in this text detriment not only often takes the place of fall but it is also highlighted as an important debility instead of fall.

Consider how in the later tradition “detriment” came to be considered an even greater debility than “fall”, assigned -5 compared to fall’s -4 in weighted pointing systems. That sort of greater stress is present in al-Andarzaghar, in addition to the clear sense of “detriment” associated with the placement.

Conclusions on Al-Andarzaghar

We see a pretty robust concept of planetary debility associated with detriment in al-Andarzaghar’s The Book of Aristotle. Given the fact that the work is early and was very influential upon Sahl and Abu Ma’shar, this appears to be a critical point in the development of detriment.

We see clear evidence for the influence of Rhetorius in the development. However, the concept is not inevitable from a reading of Rhetorius (see Theophilus). Additionally, the fact that it was inspired by novel statements from someone often considered “the last classical astrologer” is lost to the Persians. Even more significantly, we see some confusion between the concepts of fall and detriment.

Clumsy Origins

If al-Andarzaghar was the first astrologer to formally define the debility of detriment, then his manner of introducing it should certainly raise some eyebrows. In Hellenistic astrology and most early Perso-Arabic astrology fall is defined, but there is no detriment. In al-Andarzaghar we see detriment defined and stressed, as fall, and instead of the real fall.

Was this a logical conclusion in astrology’s development, a valuable innovation by an experienced astrologer, or a big misunderstanding, fostered by Rhetorius’s far-fetched musings on contrariety? You decide.

Masha’allah ibn Athari and Abu ‘Ali al-Khayyat

I put these two influential astrologers together here due to their similar lack of stress on detriment. They both thrived in the late 8th to early 9th centuries.

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For the most part, I do not see references to detriment in the works of theirs that I have read. However, there is one reference in Abu ‘Ali’s “On the Judgement of Nativities” and a couple scattered across various works of Masha’allah, to the sign of detriment. These references are always of the sort “if in its sign of fall or detriment (or opposite of domicile)”. Therefore, I’m inclined to believe they are “additions” to the texts by later scribes. However, it could simply be that these astrologers were familiar with it but had only minor occasions to refer to it.

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Not Significant

What we do come away with in reading these authors is that they certainly don’t mention detriment where they could. It is not a significant part of their system of analysis, if it is in fact part of it at all. Dykes in some footnotes to his introduction to Works of Sahl and Masha’allah (2008, p. xxx) even noted that Masha’allah has many explicit opportunities to mention detriment where he does not. These include delineations of planets in signs where there doesn’t appear to be any adversity associated with the sign of detriment.

Note that there are some indications that both men, Masha’allah and Abu ‘Ali drew on a common source for some topics. Additionally, there is some indication that al-Andarzaghar was a source (see Dykes introduction to Bishr, 2019, p. 30). Therefore, they may have both had some familiarity with al-Andarzaghar’s work but were not nearly so strongly influenced as Sahl by his approach.

Sahl bin Bishr, Abu Ma’shar, and Late Perso-Arabic Astrology

Both Sahl and Abu Ma’shar are astrologers who flourished in the 9th century. They are both also significant as astrologers profoundly influenced by al-Andarzaghar. Additionally, both men were profoundly influential upon the later tradition. In the context of detriment, both men are significant as key vectors for the transmission of the doctrine as a principle of practice.

Sahl’s Astrology

Sahl flourished in the early 9th century CE. His debt to al-Andarzaghar is great. His mammoth tome “On Nativities” is about 500 pages in its English translation (Sahl, Dykes, 2019). It includes nearly all of the natal material from The Book of Aristotle. Of course, the work is not just material from al-Andarzaghar, but rather is a thorough compendium preserving opinions of about a dozen astrologers.

The sources are primarily earlier Persian astrologers. Sahl’s work is primarily from compiling secondary sources (Persian works pertaining to Hellenistic astrology). He does not appear to have been drawing directly on primary Hellenistic sources (i.e. any Hellenistic works written prior to Rhetorius). His work preserves key texts and doctrines from disparate Persian astrologers very well.

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The Book of Aristotle

As noted, Sahl preserves almost the entirety of the natal material from The Book of Aristotle. Dykes says as much in his Introduction to Sahl’s works (Bishr, 2019, p.1):

“[…] after some research I realized that Sahl’s On Nativities contains almost the entire natal portion of a book which came to be known in Latin as the Book of Aristotle (BA) which I had translated and published as Persian Nativities I.”

Detriment as a Principle

In his work on principles, “The Introduction”, Sahl clearly includes a detriment-like debility as an interpretive principle. In a manner similar to how al-Andarzaghar noted the 7 corruptions of the planets, Sahl provides the 10 weaknesses of the planets. Note that 2 of the additions include the real traditional type of “fall” as well as being alien or peregrine. Those are the more traditional sign-based debilities which were lacking in al-Andarzaghar’s list.

“The tenth is if they were inverted, and that is when they are in the contrary of their house: that is, when they are in the seventh from their own house, and that is called ‘unhealthiness.'” (Bishr, The Introduction, #100, Dykes trans., 2019, p. 68)

The 10 Weaknesses

I noted the 7 corruptions of al-Andarzaghar. I provide the 10 weaknesses of Sahl here for comparison. I’ve highlighted those that are not found in al-Andarzaghar.

  1. House: placement in the 6th or 12th house
  2. Retrograde
  3. Under the Beams
  4. Aspect: connecting by assembly, opposition, or square with a malefic
  5. Enclosure: separating from one malefic and applying to another
  6. Fall: in sign opposite exaltation
  7. Connection to Retreating?: applying to a planet that is retreating from Ascendant while separating from a planet receiving it
  8. Peregrine: a planet with no testimony in its house and western under the beams (perhaps must be both of these conditions together)
  9. Nodes: with one of the lunar nodes and without latitude
  10. Detriment: in the seventh from their own house

Note that to al-Andarzaghar’s list, Sahl only adds fall, peregrine (or a special case of it), and that very odd application-retreat condition (#7). Apart from #7 and #10, these are conditions that were also noted in Hellenistic astrology. As #10 appears to be from al-Andarzaghar’s influence, #7 is probably also from a more obscure principle given by some Persian astrologer.

At the End of the List

It is interesting that Sahl puts detriment last in his list of debilities. It is again noted right at the end. It appears in his “The Fifty Aphorisms” as a comment at the tail end of the fiftieth aphorism. There he advises that when the lord of the Ascendant or the Moon are in the 7th from their domicile the querent will have some reluctance in the matter. This is a direct appeal to “contrariety”.

I am intrigued by Sahl’s placement of detriment last on his list of debilities, and the almost paraphrastic mention of it in the fiftieth aphorism. I’m inclined to believe that Sahl was aware of the lack of the concept in most of his sources. He includes this principle of al-Andarzaghar’s but at the end of a list which first emphasizes the more commonly noted debilities (fall and peregrination).

Other Notable Instances

Sahl notes “detriment” in many different works. One of the more notable places is in “On Choices” were he adds detriment to the 8th (of 10) corruptions of the Moon in elections. In Dorotheus, the corruption is the Moon in the twelfth-part of Mars or Saturn, while in Sahl it is the twelfth-part of a malefic, or being in the opposite sign from its domicile, or aversion to domicile. Therefore, one corruption of the Moon can now come about in three different ways. Detriment thereby became an important corruption of the Moon in electional astrology.

The other important thing to note is about instances in On Nativities where detriment is mentioned. Many of these are in passages that can be traced to al-Andarzaghar. Sometimes Sahl actually attributes the material to al-Andarzaghar. At other times detriment is mentioned within material that can be traced to the Book of Aristotle. Al-Andarzaghar was not only a major influence on Sahl, but so was his concept of detriment.

Abu Ma’shar’s Astrology

Abu Ma’shar flourished in the mid-9th century CE. He is said to have started learning astrology in middle age after an encounter with al-Kindi. He wrote a voluminous work on predictive natal techniques published in English translation as “On the Revolutions of the Years of Nativities” by Ben Dykes in 2019. He also wrote works on principles and mundane astrology which strongly influenced the later tradition.

In Dykes introduction to Ma’shar (2019), as well as in his introduction to Bishr (2019), he notes that The Book of Aristotle was a major influence on Ma’shar’s predictive methods. Therefore, Ma’shar was one of the astrologers strongly influenced by al-Andarzaghar’s methods. Detriment is a defined concept in Ma’shar’s introductory works. It also plays a role in his mundane astrology.

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Predictive Natal Astrology

Detriment does not play a significant role in Ma’shar’s work on predictive natal astrology. What is significant is that the predictive work shows the strong influence of al-Andarzaghar’s predictive methods. Sahl and Ma’shar stand as the two towering 9th century astrologers whose approaches were strongly influenced by The Book of Aristotle.

Sun in Aquarius

Dykes (in Ma’shar, 2019, p. 216, fn 61) noted that the delineation of the Sun in Aquarius can indicate illness, consistent with the “unhealthiness” association of detriment.

“If the Sun in the revolution of the year was in Aquarius and he had testimony in the year, and he is free of the infortunes, it indicates marriage and an increase in the family and [his] retinue. And if [the Sun] was made unfortunate, indicates the ruin of one of the family or their illness, as well as contention and conflict. But if he was received, it is less and easier.” (Ma’shar, Book V, Ch. 5, #12-14, Dykes trans., 2019, p. 416)

The one issue with seeing “illness” here as resulting from “detriment” is that the Sun in Capricorn can also indicate “ailments and illnesses” (#11, p. 416). However, Capricorn is not the “wabal” or detriment of the Sun. Therefore, there is strong evidence for the influence of The Book of Aristotle in Ma’shar’s predictive material, but not strong evidence for the use of detriment.

Introductions to Astrology

Ma’shar’s “Great Introduction” had a profound influence on the later tradition. Two twelfth-century Latin translations, by John of Seville and Herman of Carinthia, provided the principles of astrology for the later tradition. Ma’shar also authored an abridged version of the introduction (Abbreviation of the Introduction) which was also translated into Latin in the twelfth century, but by Adelard of Bath.

English Translations

An English translation of Abu Ma’shar’s Great Introduction was recently released in 2019 by historians of science Burnett & Yamamoto. It is available in print or eBook from the publisher Brill at a price of $349. They describe it as “the most comprehensive and influential text on astrology in the Middle Ages”.

The Abbreviation of the Introduction was translated by Ben Dykes in 2010. It is packaged together with an introductory work by al-Qabisi (10th century), and excerpts from the Great Introduction as well as from introductory works by other astrologers. This composite set of introductions was published as “Introductions to Traditional Astrology: Abu Ma’shar & al-Qabisi”.

It is very affordable (under $25). I recommend it very highly as a reference for those interested in the traditional astrology of the late Perso-Arabic period and beyond (medieval astrology).

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Detriment as a Principle

Detriment (translated as estrangement by Dykes from the Latin) is noted as a principle in the Abbreviation. It is noted in the context of the dignities while discussing exaltation and fall. It is also noted in the context of planetary corruption. Therefore, later medieval astrologers learning principles of astrology through Abu Ma’shar would simply be handed detriment as an established principle on par with fall.

Mundane Astrology

In the realm of mundane astrology, detriment also became important in Ma’shar’s astrology. Ma’shar’s “On the Great Conjunctions” highlighted the Mars-Saturn conjunction in Cancer as one of the most important mundane astrological events. The logic being that the position was the fall of Mars and detriment of Saturn. For more on this, see my article on the Six Elements for Deducing Advanced Knowledge.

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Perso-Arabic Conclusions

Tracing backward we can see that detriment became an integral part of today’s traditional astrology due to its role in the traditional astrology of the European High Middle Ages and Renaissance. The astrology of the European High Middle Ages inherited the concept from the late Perso-Arabic tradition.

Integration

Sahl and Abu Ma’shar in the 9th century had codified detriment into their influential systematic lists of principles. This elevated its importance in the practice of all forms of astrology.

Definition

They had been themselves strongly influenced by the work of al-Andarzaghar, an early Perso-Arabic astrologer. Al-Andarzaghar was probably the first Persian astrologer to formalize the concept of detriment and define it. Detriment is absent from most early Perso-Arabic works. Prior to Sahl it gets only minor mentions outside of al-Andarzaghar and probably by al-Andazaghar’s influence.

Inspiration

Unlike the other early Persian astrologers, Al-Andarzaghar emphasized the concept and defined it. He used it with the name of “fall” and instead of traditional fall. He had apparently been inspired by Rhetorius’s comments on contrariety. Rehtorius’s comments were in turn inspired by Ptolemy’s Aristotelian rationalizations of rulership arrangements and planetary combination.

Development by a Game of Telephone

In conclusion, the evidence indicates the manner of detriment’s development. It is known as the game of telphone. There was an accumulation of alterations by paraphrase, elaboration, misunderstanding, mistranslation, and change in emphasis. Through these accumulated changes an entirely new planetary debility and sign classification emerged.

Section 4: A Critical Look at Detriment’s Reconstructions

A number of traditional astrologers today have attempted to “reconstruct” detriment as the concept may have existed in Hellenistic and early medieval astrology. I have already noted my suspicions with “reconstructions” and their methodology. It is rather strange to “reconstruct” things as integral to Hellenistic astrology which astrologers of the period themselves would not have been able to recognize.

The assertion that all Hellenistic astrologers shared certain implicit principles in common which they didn’t articulate in their texts is also suspicious. These are astrologers accessing texts often hundreds of years after they were written in varied cultural and political contexts. If it wasn’t clear in their source texts then they wouldn’t have received it.

Two Hellenistic reconstructions of detriment have been particularly problematic. They continue to be cited often by traditional astrologers in defense of the view that detriment was an integral principle of Hellenistic astrology. Both place detriment early in the tradition on the basis of specious evidence, though from different forms of evidence. Therefore, I’m going to address those reconstructions, but first I want to make a note about a medieval reconstruction.

Medieval Astrology

In his introduction to Works of Sahl and Masha’allah, Ben Dykes attempted his own reconstruction of the concept for Persian astrology. However, that reconstruction was rather early in his translation efforts. His later translations of the Book of Aristotle and introductory works by Abu Ma’shar and al-Qabisi turned up actual definitions from Perso-Arabic astrologers.

Actual medieval definitions and descriptions are far superior to a speculative reconstruction. Therefore, I don’t feel it’s worth spending much time critically examining this reconstruction. Spend some time studying al-Andarzaghar’s characterization (discussed earlier) and you’ll have a good sense for the early concept.

Marginality in Early Medieval Astrology

In his comments on reconstruction, Dykes provided something more noteworthy than a reconstruction. He provided a sense of the marginal nature of the concept in that tradition.

Unlike most traditional astrologers studying early traditional texts, he did notice what wasn’t there. He advised that reconstructing detriment as a basic principle of early medieval astrology implies giving it more importance than the early medieval astrologers themselves appear to have. The concept was clearly not an integral one in early Perso-Arabic astrological practice so we need to be careful about projecting it into their system of interpretation as such.

Hellenistic Astrology

There is no evidence for a detriment-like concept prior to the 5th century CE. That is 500 years into a tradition that started in the 1st or 2nd century BCE. When intimations of detriment do arise they are in late works relying upon secondary sources rather than the early foundational texts. So, how is it that detriment still continues to be reconstructed as an integral principle of Hellenistic astrology? If its absence was good enough for the Hellenistic astrologers, why isn’t it good enough for those describing that astrology today?

Two particular “reconstructions” by influential authorities on Hellenistic astrology have led to a lot of confusion about the concept. Let’s turn to each of those now.

Schmidt’s Reconstruction

Robert Schmidt placed detriment early in the Hellenistic tradition through two notable reconstructions. First, he “reconstructed” Antiochus in 1993 in such a way that comments made by Rhetorius at the end of the tradition were presented as being made by Antiochus in the 1st or 2nd century.

Secondly, he presented the Serapio compilation text’s remark on detriment which is a comment from Hephaistio in the 5th century (taken out of context) as if it was made by Serapio in the 1st century. Therefore, let’s take a closer look at each one

Rhetorius as Antiochus

As I noted in my introduction, a good portion of Rhetorius’s Compendium was initially taken by Schmidt and Hand to be representative of Antiochus. In 1993, Project Hindsight published a reconstruction of The Thesaurus by Antiochus of Athens. The title was a misnomer as the work was from Rhetorius, not Antiochus, and included a lot of material that cannot be traced to Antiochus.

“Rhetorius (c. 500 C.E.) copied the most extensive sections of Antiochus and most of the material translated in this volume comes from Rhetorius.” (Hand, introduction to The Thesaurus, 1993, p. viii)

In this way, statements by Rhetorius, including his musings on “contrariety” came to be attributed to Antiochus. Whenever you see someone reference this work to attribute something to Antiochus of Athens, note that it should be taken as Rhetorius.

Hephaistio as Serapio

Schmidt later released “Definitions and Foundations” which was intended to delineate the principles of Hellenistic astrology. Detriment appeared in the work through the inclusion of the out-of-context quote of Hephaistio found in the Serapio text. As I’ve discussed above, the list of definitions attributed to Serapio of Alexandria is from a late Byzantine compilation. Material from other authors is evident in the compilation.

The particular “detriment” definition shows clear evidence of being from Hephaistio. It is exactly the same sentence appearing in the Hephaistio manuscripts. Thereby, an out of context quote from 5th-century astrologer Hephaistio gets associated with an early Hellenistic astrologer, Serapio.

As with Rhetorius this is a matter in which a text has some material drawing on an early astrologer, compiled with a lot of later material as well. The attribution of the “detriment” passage to Serapio is thus a misleading one.

Brennan’s Reconstruction

Chris Brennan himself discounted the Serapio attribution, tracing the comment to Hephaistio.  However, he still “reconstructs” the concept as an important “implicit” concept albeit one not defined until Rhetorius.

He proposed three possible names for it. “Adversities” draws on the Latin “adversitas” noted in the Liber Hermetis (which in turn derives from Hephaistio). “Antithesis” is a fancy word for “opposite” and draws on Rhetorius’s remarks about “opposed” or “contrary” qualities. He has proposed it more recently.

“Exile” is another term he has proposed. It is more problematic concept deriving not from any source typically linked with detriment. It comes from some comments by Valens (and Rhetorius) on a couple specific configurations where a ruler is opposing what it rules (i.e. RC statements).

Hephaistio, Rhetorius, and Late Compilations

I have already thoroughly discussed the late intimations of detriment in Hephaistio and Rhetorius. I’ve also discussed how Brennan traces the Serapio passage back to Hephaistio, as both passages use the exact same phrase. Brennan also used the Liber Hermetis as textual support for his reconstruction. What he doesn’t note is that it too appears to trace back to Hephaistio and is in another late compilation. It is written in Latin so it cannot use the exact same wording, but the phrasing is parallel and the work is another late compilation.

Most support for the reconstruction comes from Hephaistio, Rhetorius, and works derived from them. Exceptionally, he uses passages in Valens as support for an implicit detriment-like principle. As Valens is a major early Hellenistic astrologer of the 2nd century who was drawing on foundational texts, I will focus on Brennan’s reconstruction of detriment (“exile” in this case) as an implicit principle in Valens’s astrology.

Late Intimations Fall Short of Important Principles

It is uncontroversial that intimations of detriment appear in Hephaistio and Rhetorius at the tail end of the Hellenistic tradition. These “intimations” are statements that get pretty close to detriment. One can even take them out of context or read between the lines to claim they nearly imply the same thing as what became detriment. However, as noted, there are some issues with considering them full-blown detriment. Detriment only really fully developed within the Perso-Arabic period.

More problematic are “reconstructions” which place detriment as an important interpretive principle of 1st and 2nd century astrologers. We saw this with Schmidt’s backward projection of Rhetorius onto Antiochus and Hephaistio onto Serapio. By substituting mysterious early figures of Hellenistic astrology for figures at the tail end of the tradition, the concept gained legitimacy as a principle of Hellenistic astrology.

Exile on Main Street

Chris Brennan sees the detriment as an early implicit one. In his book he finds evidence for the “exile” notion in a statement made by Vettius Valens. The Valens statement actually pertains to the ruler’s configuration technique, not detriment. However, such statements are Brennan’s evidence both for implicit detriment and for the “exile” meaning associated with it.

Brennan’s RC-laden 2020 Update

In an update (July 2020), Brennan presented nearly every opposition RC passage that he could find as evidence of the implicit use of detriment in Hellenistic astrology. Anubio, Dorotheus, and Valens used the ruler’s configuration (RC technique), as well as later astrologers like Rhetorius and Theophilus following Dorotheus.

As the opposition in the context of the technique can indicate separation, consistent with the meaning of the aspect, Brennan sees in such passages strong support for his “exile” concept. Additionally, since he uses an insufficient definition of detriment (any adverse indications associated with the domicile ruler’s opposition to its domicile), he also takes all such passages as evidence of detriment as an implicit principle of chart interpretation in early Hellenistic astrology requiring reconstruction. In August 2020, I presented an updated and focused rebuttal against Brennan’s arguments for reconstruction, detailing the fallacious logic involved.

Brennan on the Exile Rationale

For Brennan, statements by Valens show evidence both of general “adversity”, as well as an idea of “exile” associated with a planet opposed to its domicile.

“[…] Valens seems to say that when the ruler of the Lot of Spirit is opposite to its own place that the native will come to live in a foreign country and will experience tarachais, which means “disturbances,” “upheavals,” “confusion,” “tumults,” or “troubles. […] Here the words “adversity” or “debility” seem to be rather appropriate for one part of the delineation, although there is also another interpretive element involved […] contrasting the concept of “home” or “domicile” with whatever the opposite of that would be […].  (Brennan, 2017, p. 251)

There are multiple problems with the reasoning involved in reconstructing a detriment-like concept into such RC passages. First, let’s look at the passage in Valens, then we’ll look at the issues with the reconstruction.

Valens on the Lot of Spirit and its Lord

The Valens passage cited by Brennan is Book 2, Ch. 20. Below, I provide the passage in question, as well as a few lines before it for context.

“It is best to find the ruler of Daimon at the Lot of Fortune or at its 10th Place (=Midheaven). If so, then the nativities are illustrious and distinguished. If it is in its proper place or at another angle, the nativities will be as distinguished and vigorous as they can be under the circumstances. If it is turned away from its proper place, just precedes an angle, or has malefics in aspect, it indicates exile and distress abroad. If it is in conjunction with a benefic or has benefics in aspect, the native will live abroad for a long time, having a varied and fluctuating livelihood. If it has a malefic in aspect, the native will become needy, destitute, experiencing trials and imprisonment. Likewise if <the ruler of the Lot or of Daimon> is in opposition to this place, it indicates men who reside abroad and become distressed. Often the goods of such men are not inherited by their own families, but by strangers.” (Valens, Book 2, Ch. 20P, Riley trans., 2010, p. 35)

Note that multiple configurations are considered in relation to delineating the Lot of Spirit, not for delineating the planet that is its ruler.

Configuration Not Planetary Condition

The most obvious difference between the Valens passage and the concept of detriment pertains to the dichotomy between a planetary condition and a configuration. Detriment is a planetary condition in which a planet is said to be weakened or corrupted in the sign opposite its domicile. In the Valens passage an adverse indication arises in connection to the lot due to the lot being opposed by its ruler. An indication for the lot is provided that is associated with this specific aspectual configuration.

No mention is made of the condition of the planet (such as it becoming corrupted), the nature of the sign, or any conflict between them. Rather, the symbolism appealed to pertains to the Lot of Spirit, its ruler, and the aspect of opposition.

Affirming the Consequent

There appears to be an error in reasoning about what constitutes support for the reconstruction. It is as if Brennan is affirming the consequent as follows: If there is an implicit concept akin to detriment in early Hellenistic astrology (the antecedent), then there will be an instance in which a ruler opposed to its own domicile is associated with adverse circumstances (the consequent). That is well and good. However, the consequent, adverse circumstances shown by a ruler in opposition to its own domicile, does not entail the premise, an implicit planetary debility.

There is more than one possible reason that the opposition of a planet to its own domicile may be associated with adverse circumstances (i.e. the meaning of opposition and the RC technique). Additionally, the premise implies additional consequents that we don’t see. For instance, given the premise, delineations of planets in the sign opposite their domicile should consistently involve some adversity (or even some notion of being far from home akin to exile), which they do not.

Oppositional Symbolism

One reason an adverse indication from a ruler’s opposition does not imply “detriment” is that opposition itself can give adverse indications. Therefore, when the ruler of a lot or a planet opposes the lot or planet we cannot be sure than adverse indication is due to some implicit concept of detriment or exile.

The symbolism need not have anything to do with a planet somehow corrupted or weakened by the substance of the sign or its ruler. Nor does it necessarily have anything to do with being far from home because it is opposite it. The traditional symbolism of “opposition” already can involve adversity, enmity, separation, distinction, and rejection.

Lot and Lord Configurations

The Valens configuration actually involves nothing like “detriment” but instead pertains to aspectual configuration. In fact, the importance of the aspectual configuration between a lot of and its lord came up often in Hellenistic astrology.

First, let’s look at an example from Dorotheus in which he explicitly examines the different types of aspectual relations between the Lot of Brothers and its lord. Next, let’s look at another example from Valens but one where the meaning of the indication is consistent with “opposition” but without any overlap with the reconstructed notions of adversity or exile.

Dorotheus on a Range of Aspectual Indications

In the Dorothean passage below we see indications from different types of aspects, and even no aspect. Note how a lack of aspect indicates estrangement, not the opposition which is about enmity and separation. Refer back to the Valens passage above and note that it was being “turned away” (i.e. no aspect) that actually indicated “exile” not opposition. For Valens, the opposition brought indications pertaining more to separation (residing abroad, strangers end up with one’s inheritance) and enmity (distress).

“If you wish to know what of love and other than that there is between him [the native] and his brothers, then look from the lord of the lot of brothers. If its lord aspects it from trine, it indicates love between them, and if it aspects from quartile, it indicates a medium amount of that love. If you find it in opposition to the lot, then it is an indicator of enmity and separation. If it [the lord] does not aspect it [the lot], it indicates the estrangement of one of them from the other.” (Dorotheus, Book I, Ch. 20, Pingree trans., 2005, p. 179)

We see that for some factors the way that the lord aspected the factor provided an indication pertaining to the meaning of the factor. One key takeaway is that the relationship of the lord to the factor it ruled impacted part of the indication given by that factor, not indications for the ruler. In other words, the interpretation of the Lot of Brothers was affected by its aspectual relationship with its ruler. The converse is not implied; the ruler is neither enhanced nor debilitated due to being in a certain aspect with the lot. This is a configurational indication, not one pertaining to planetary condition.

Valens on Step-parents

Did the indications from the opposition to Spirit in Valens’s passage above necessarily arise from a sense of adversity or exile? As I noted, the indications of living abroad, distress, and strangers inheriting one’s things all can be explained by the symbolism of opposition (and that of the lot itself). Additionally, there are not always indications pertaining to adversity or any sort of exile associated with the lord of a lot opposing a lot for Valens.

The lots of step-parents involve the “distinctive” and “separate” notions related to aspectual opposition without any of the adversity or exile associated with Brennan’s reconstruction.

“Concerning a stepfather, take the point directly opposite the Lot. If the ruler of the Lot of the Father happens to be at the point in opposition or if the ruler of the point in opposition happens to be at the Lot, this indicates a stepfather. Likewise if the <ruler of> the Lot of the Mother is found in opposition and the ruler of the point in opposition to the Lot of the Mother is found at the Lot of the Mother, this will correspondingly indicate a stepmother. (Valens, Book 2, Ch. 32P, Riley trans., 2010, p. 44)

This passage is from the same book 3 of Valens’s Anthology as the one cited by Brennan in support of his reconstruction. Here a step-parent is indicated when the lord of the lot for the parent is opposed to the lot. Similarly, it can also be indicated if the lord of the sign opposite the lot is at the lot. Both types of configurations involve a planet in the sign opposite its domicile. Again, no planetary debility is mentioned, but rather the delineation of the lot pertains to a configurational relationship with its ruler.

Reconstruction Conclusions

While there are intimations of detriment at the tail end of the Hellenistic tradition. Prior to that we don’t see the inimations of detriment, and we certainly don’t see “implicit use of detriment” whatever that means.  Specious attributions have at times been used as evidence for detriment as an early principle, but mislead by projecting the end of the Hellenistic tradition onto the beginning.

The assertion that there was something akin to detriment in the early tradition which was used implicitly as an interpretive factor is unsupported. Textual evidence indicates that when context and other similar passages are examined it is clear that such passages involve the RC technique not a sign-based planetary debility like detriment. Additionally, the assertion that “exile” was implicitly symbolized by a planet opposed to its domicile is unsupported. In fact, it was the lack of aspect from its ruler that could most often associate a factor with exile.

Summary and Conclusions

Detriment’s Historical Development in Brief

Detriment was not an integral principle of the Hellenistic system of astrology. All evidence indicates that it was not a principle expounded in the foundational texts and was not used by the early major figures such as Dorotheus, Valens, Ptolemy, Antiochus/Porphyry, etc. Something resembling detriment does not crop up until Hephaistio in the 5th century and Rhetorius in the 6th or 7th. However, even then it is iffy if such instances constitute “detriment”, as Hephaistio neglected to define it as a principle and it is relatively unclear in Rhetorius’s Compendium.

Intimation

Rhetorius’s musings on contrariety, apparently inspired by Ptolemy, appear to have formed the basis for detriment’s development in the Perso-Arabic period. However, those comments did not necessarily entail detriment, as Theophilus (8th century), who drew on Rhetorius, doesn’t appear to have used the concept.

Defintion

Al-Andarzaghar, a rather mysterious early Persian astrologer, may have been the first to clearly define a detriment-like concept. He labeled it “wabal” or unhealthiness. Curiously, he also called it fall and defined it instead of rather than alongside the traditional debility of fall. Perso-Arabic astrologers after him showed little regard for the concept. It was absent entirely from many Perso-Arabic texts of the 8th and 9th centuries.

Integration

The concept ascended to an important principle due to the strong influence of al-Andarzaghar’s Book of Aristotle on Sahl and Abu Ma’shar. Their voluminous and influential output in the early-to-mid 9th century put detriment on the astrological map, so to speak. From that time this added questionable distinction has been a hallmark of western astrological practice.

Was Detriment Integral to Hellenistic and Persian Astrology?

Never an Integral Principle of Hellenistic Astrology

Detriment was not a defined principle of Hellenistic astrology. There is also an absence of evidence that it was used explicitly or even implicitly as an interpretive principle by any of the astrologers of the first 500 years of the practice of Hellenistic astrology. Therefore, detriment was clearly not an integral principle of Hellenistic astrology by any measure.

The early major astrologers drew on the foundational texts of the tradition. If detriment was an interpretive principle in those texts, especially if it was a defined one, then we’d see evidence for it in the surviving early major works, such as those by Dorotheus, Ptolemy, and Valens. We do not. Therefore, any reconstruction of such a concept as a principle of the Hellenistic system is misleading.

Not an Integral Principle of Early Perso-Arabic Astrology

Even when we get to Perso-Arabic astrology, detriment is still not an integral principle of practice in the early period of that tradition. This is a further indication of how detriment failed to become an important and integral principle even by the end of the Hellenistic period. Arguably, some astrologers, such as Hephaistio and/or Rhetorius may have considered something like detriment in interpretation, but it doesn’t appear to have yet become an important or widespread principle in practice.

Apparently, detriment first cropped up as a clear planetary debility in al-Andarzaghar’s Book of Aristotle. It was used as a new type of “fall” and defined instead of the typical fall. This alternative fall (detriment) was marked and atypical in the early Persian tradition which was still comprised primarily of works that used the traditional fall instead. Therefore, detriment was not integral to the Persian system in the narrow sense.

An Integral Principle of Late Perso-Arabic Astrology and Beyond

Detriment became an integral part of late Perso-Arabic astrological practice after being defined into the system alongside of traditional fall by Sahl and Abu Ma’shar. They had been heavily influenced by the Book of Aristotle. It was integral to early European medieval astrology and has remained an integral part of western traditional astrology to this day.

Two Views on Detriment’s Role in Hellenistic Astrology

Given the textual evidence, I see two primary distinct viewpoints which are consistent with it, as well as any number of gradations between them. The skeptical view sees detriment as something completely absent from Hellenistic astrological practice, developed under questionable circumstances relatively late in the Perso-Arabic period. The ancient origins view sees it as originating early in the period, but not catching on until late in the Hellenistic period.

No view supported by the evidence can credibly suppose that detriment was an integral part of Hellenistic astrology due to its absence from the major works of the first 500 years. The pivotal works of the first 500 years which were drawing on the foundational texts show no evidence of using the concept. Therefore, it cannot credibly be considered a part of the Hellenistic system of interpretation nor a principle featured in the now-lost foundational texts.

Skeptical View

On most days of the week, I tend to gravitate toward the skeptical view of detriment. This view sees a lack of the principle of detriment in Hellenistic astrology in the broad sense, the practice, not just in the foundational system. It is the skeptical extreme of the interpretation of the facts. In support of the view, Hephaistio and Rhetorius only had intimations of detriment and they seemed to be arrived at in different manners.

The skeptical view also sees detriment’s development as largely a product of Rhetorius’s misguided over-rationalizations which caused al-Andarzaghar to have some confusion about the nature of fall. Basically, it shows clear indications of being developed primarily as through a game of telephone, and so is a very questionable addition.

Hephaistio’s Remarks and their Descendants

Hephaistio himself or those reading him, appear to have possibly misinterpreted Dorotheus on solar return transits. Additionally, advice about solar return transits and electional chart placements falls short of a general principle, and Hephaistio fails to define such a general principle when given the chance in Book I. Interpolations and backward attribution are extremely common in this tradition (even to the present day; see the Reconstruction section above) so the possibility that the intimations of detriment were due to addition are also possible.

Hephaistio’s transit remark taken out of context shows up directly (word for word) in a later compilation drawing on Serapio, as well as in paraphrase in the compilation Liber Hermetis. When they were added to those compilations is uncertain and may have even been after the development during the Perso-Arabic period. Many late compilations were transmitted with knowledge of Perso-Arabic material. For instance, our manuscript of Porphyry ends with interpolations from the Perso-Arabic astrologer Sahl. Therefore, this position is skeptical but by no means far-fetched.

Rhetorius’s Remarks and their Descendants

The skeptical view directs one to the fact that Rhetorius’s Compendium never does actually define a detriment-like concept of planetary debility. In the Compendium itself, there are only musings on the logic of the layout of houses according to contrary qualities of rulers, in a sort of elaboration of what we see in Ptolemy. There are also some musings on how planetary combinations involving contrariety can lead to bad outcomes.

One can read this material without getting a distinct impression that any planetary debility is implied. Apparently, Theophilus of Edessa did just that.

In another work, attributed to a sign material by Teucer of Babylon as discussed by Rhetorius, we do see the signs characterized as the contrariety of specific planets, which characterized it as a type of planetary debility. However, the material is not just from Teucer, as scholars have noted interpolations pertaining to later astrologers. Additionally, the attribution to Rhetorius has also been questioned. Therefore, we again see the clearest evidence for detriment from a text that is likely a late compilation and may have even been influenced by the Perso-Arabic development of the concept.

Development as a Game of Telephone

The skeptical view sees detriment’s development as through a game of telephone. Accumulated elaborations, erroneous corrections, and misunderstandings led to its creation and elevation as an important principle.

The eventual concept has Aristotelian ideas embedded in it, due to the elaboration of Ptolemaic logic by Rhetorius. Rhetorius’s elaborations for the reasoning behind sign layout were inspired by Ptolemy but took the concept farther, well beyond traditional logic for house layout.

Rhetorius came to the Persian tradition as a compendium of Hellenistic astrology, not as Rhetorius. His musings were not interpreted as the musings of the last major classical astrologer but as an in-depth discussion of an important matter in a comprehensive text of Hellenistic astrology’s principles and techniques.

Due to the fact that Rhetorius discussed the oppositions of the houses immediately following a discussion of exaltation and fall, al-Andarzaghar took it as another type of fall. He even seems to have taken it to be much more important than the more traditional fall.

Similarly, late Perso-Arabic astrologers took al-Andarzaghar’s work as being itself a comprehensive compendium of Hellenistic and early Persian astrology. The substitution of detriment for traditional fall was not seen as a questionable innovation by al-Andarzaghar. This new concept was simply added into the fold of principles by the later Perso-Arabic astrologers. The game of telephone was complete with detriment as an important astrological principle.

Ancient Origins View

More rarely, I muse that ancient origins in Hellenistic astrology may be a possibility. We don’t have textual evidence at this time that any astrologers in the first 500 years of the practice of Hellenistic astrology used or considered detriment. However, this doesn’t mean we won’t run across some one day. Attributions to Serapio and Teucer have their issues, but it is still possible that one of them or some other Hellenistic astrologer did make a statement implying something like detriment, at least in the planetary debility sense, early in the tradition. That would not elevate it to an integral principle as it is absent from the major texts, but the possibility for an early intimation is possible.

Hephaistio, Rhetorius, and Related Texts

Perhaps Hephaistio did correctly paraphrase Dorotheus on the solar return transits. It could be our surviving Dorothean manuscripts and excerpts which altered the passage toward a more aspectual indication.

Perhaps Hephaistio was drawing on an earlier paraphrase of Dorotheus by someone else, which also made its way into the Serapio compilation and the Liber Hermetis.

Rhetorius may have desired to spend more time elaborating upon the opposition to domiciles on account of this Dorothean paraphrase material floating around or even a statement by some other marginal astrologer.

This is all speculative and lacking sufficient evidence, but these are possibilities that are also not completely far-fetched, particularly given the paucity of texts which have survived.

Late Intimations as Possible Implicit Detriment

If the Teucer material is shown to have been correctly attributed to Rhetorius, then that also implies an intimation as a sign-classification, at least at the end of the tradition (6th-7th century).

The Hephaistio remarks show detriment could have been at least an implicit principle for Hephaistio and maybe some other 5th century astrologers. At least for certain types of transits and elections, if not beyond.

Therefore, under the ancient origins view we are implored to consider at least the possibility that something like detriment was an implicit part of astrological practice by some astrologers in late Hellenistic astrology (5th-7th centuries).

Development as Affirmation

The flip side to the skeptical view on development is one which sees development as a matter of astrologers increasingly affirming the value of a once marginal principle. Hephaistio and Rhetorius were discovering the value of this idea in their own practice so it cropped up in their works. Al-Andarzaghar found the concept even more valuable than fall so he heavily promoted it in his own work. Perhaps he found traditional fall less valuable so it was not emphasized.

Later, astrologers like Sahl and Abu Ma’shar considered detriment due to their great respect for the principles and techniques stressed by al-Andarzaghar. Perhaps they put detriment to the test and found that it was just as important as fall, so they made sure to define it alongside fall. Due to the great value of their work and opinions, detriment was assured its rightful place as an important principle of astrology (so this view goes).

My Thoughts on the Ancient Origins View

Personally, I feel that the ancient origins view is unrealistic, full of hero-worship, and lacking critical depth of reasoning.  It appeals to the sense of many traditional astrologers today that the great figures of medieval astrology made no mistakes. Additionally, it appeals to the view that detriment was “destined” to become a principle. What one may see as “mistakes” were actually destiny intervening to make it happen.

My own view is that destiny introduces ideas to confound and degrade just as often as it introduces ideas to clarify and improve. Whether “detriment” was meant to end up a part of the astrological system is irrelevant. The history of ideas is not a one-way march toward enlightenment. We cannot assume that every idea which we inherit is of equal value. As seekers of wisdom, we must think critically and carefully evaluate competing ideas. Evaluation of detriment’s interpretive value is the very subject of Part II.

References

Antiochus of Athens (1993). The Thesaurus. (Robert Hand, Ed. & Robert H. Schmidt, Trans.). Cumberland, MD: The Golden Hind Press.

al-Tabari, U., & al-Hasib, A. B. (2010). Persian Nativities II: ’Umar al-Tabari and Abu Bakr. (B. N. Dykes, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Bishr, S. ibn, & Masha’allah. (2008). Works of Sahl & Masha’allah. (B. N. Dykes, Ed. & Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Bishr, S. ibn. (2019). The Astrology of Sahl B. Bishr: Volume I: Principles, Elections, Questions, Nativities(B. N. Dykes, Ed. & Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Brennan, C. (2017). Hellenistic Astrology: The Study of Fate and Fortune. Amor Fati Publications.

Dorotheus of Sidon. (2005). Carmen Astrologicum. (D. Pingree, Trans.). Abingdon, MD: Astrology Center of America.

Dorotheus of Sidon, & al-Tabari, U. (2017). Carmen Astrologicum: The ’Umar al-Tabari Translation. (B. N. Dykes, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Hephaistio of Thebes (1998). Apotesmatics Book II. (Robert H. Schmidt, Trans.). Cumberland, MD: The Golden Hind Press.

Hephaistion of Thebes (2013). Apotelesmatics Book III: On Inceptions. (E. Gramaglia, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Lopilato, R. (1998). The Apotelesmatika of Manetho, Diss. Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island.

Masha’allah, & al-Khayyat, A. ’Ali. (2009). Persian Nativities I: Masha’allah and Abu ’Ali. (B. N. Dykes, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press

Ma’shar, A., & Al-Qabisi. (2010). Introductions to Traditional Astrology. (B. N. Dykes, Ed. & Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Ma’shar, A. (2019). Persian Nativities IV: On the Revolutions of the Years of Nativities (B. N. Dykes, Ed. & Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Maternus, J. F. (2011). Mathesis. (J. H. Holden, Trans.). American Federation of Astrologers.

Paulus Alexandrinus & Olympiodorus. (2001). Late Classical Astrology: Paulus Alexandrinus and Olypiodorus. (D. G. Greenbaum, Trans.). Reston, VA: Arhat.

Porphyry, & Serapio. (2009). Porphyry the Philosopher. (J. H. Holden, Trans.). Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers.

Ptolemy, C. (1940). Ptolemy: Tetrabiblos. (F. E. Robbins, Trans.). Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library. Retrieved from http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Ptolemy/Tetrabiblos/home.html

Rhetorius of Egypt, & Teucer of Babylon. (2009). Rhetorius the Egyptian. (J. H. Holden, Trans.). Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers.

Valens, V. (2010). Anthologies. (M. Riley, Trans.) (Online PDF.). World Wide Web: Mark Riley. Retrieved from http://www.csus.edu/indiv/r/rileymt/Vettius%20Valens%20entire.pdf

Featured image is a detail from “Helios and Phaeton with Saturn and the Four Seasons” Nicolas Poussin (circa 1635) [Public domain]

A Stutter in the Twelfth-Parts

Introduction

I’ve long been an advocate for the use of the twelfth-parts in astrological analysis. The twelfth-parts are divisions each zodiacal sign into twelve 2 1/2 degree segments, one for each sign of the zodiac. This mini zodiac within each sign kicks off with the sign itself. Some free astrology software programs will display projections of twelfth-part positions along the natal chart. However, they are also not hard to calculate in your head.

A Very Important and Very Ancient Division

Almost every Hellenistic astrologer mentioned the twelfth-parts. Julius Firmicus Maternus (4th century) and Rhetorius (6th or 7th century) regarded them as essential. Abu Ma’shar used them in a myriad of predictive techniques from primary directions to solar returns. Interestingly, they date back to Babylonian astrology. In fact, they are nearly as old as the regular zodiac itself, first appearing about 100 years after the first evidence of a regularized zodiac.

Attention on this Site

I’ve given the twelfth-parts a lot of attention on the site. Like Maternus and Rhetorius, I regard them as absolutely essential to astrological analysis. Whether analyzing a natal chart or even just looking at transits of Saturn, it astounds me what astrologers miss by ignoring the twelfth-parts.

In the text above, I’ve linked to a few of my introductory articles on twelfth-parts. However, one of the most important is not linked above, but is the one on their use as projections of the planets – a second set of planetary positions (click for link). Additionally, in almost every analysis on the site there is a look at the twelfth-parts, even when just looking at transits. Therefore, if you don’t yet understand twelfth-parts or their utility, I’m sure you’ll find clarification and encouragement after some exploration of the site.

Symbolism and Assumptions

Twelfth-parts are one of the most important and undervalued elements of ancient astrology. I do what I can to promote greater awareness of them. I’ve even addressed how important they are within a symbolic view of astrology. Their quick dismissal is due to misguided assumptions rather than to a lack of utility.

Multiple dominant worldviews in astrology, from the naturalistic to the psychological, tend to discourage astrology that is “too symbolic”. Factors like “lots” and twelfth-parts fly in the face of assumptions of astrology working through natural causes or by way of the planets “indexing” occult causes. My focus has instead been on seeing whether these elements of the language of astrology have something to say. Indeed they do, and in all areas of astrology.

Birth Times

The lack of a birth time is a frustrating situation for traditional astrologers in a way that it is not for modern astrologers. In modern psychological astrology, powerful factors index or influence powerful causes. For instance, the Sun and Moon may be taken to directly reflect the most powerful influences upon the individual’s psyche. Finer distinctions, such as those shown by houses, may modulate things, but much can be seen from just the sign placements of the planets.

By contrast, in ancient astrology, there is an emphasis on compositional indications. By the combination of symbolism and its reinforcement does a meaning emerge that can pertain to indications about the life and timed activation. Furthermore, for the self and character, the emphasis is on the fastest changing elements of the chart. Especially pivotal is the degree rising at birth.

Unfortunately, there are times when we do not have a birth time. In such cases, twelfth-parts can still help us get some deeper insight into a chart. This is in part due to their faster moving, and thus more individuating, symbolism. Here, I’ll be taking a quick look at one such example of this.

Joacine Katar Moreira

Joacine Katar Moreira is history-making new member of parliament in Portugal. She is an academic and activist, turned politician, who has become the first black woman to lead a party into elections. She is with the left-leaning Livre party, an eco-socialist party founded in 2014. Moreira became the party leader and the first member of the party to win a seat. She was also elected in the first election to bring black women onto Portugal’s parliament (her and two other women).

Joacine is interesting not just for making history, but also for her bold individuality in the face of a disinformation war, and her stutter. She has been heavily and unfairly defamed by the far-right party in Portugal in a campaign of disinformation. Her race, nationality, and her stutter being primary targets.

Joacine was born in the West African country of Guinea-Bissau, a former Portugese colony. She moved to Portugal when she was 8. Additionally, she has a persistent stutter that has been with her since birth. The disinformation campaign has attempted to characterize her as not truly Portugese. She has also been accused for faking the stutter for attention.

It is always disgusting to see people attacked for their race and other accidents of birth, such as Joacine’s stutter. Equally disgusting is the use of misinformation and lies to defame and unfairly discredit. This got me curious as to the nature of her chart, but we unfortunately have no exact birth time. Will the twelfth-parts have anything to say? Is there some symbolism of a stutter even without access to topical symbolism from houses and lots?

Birth Chart

She was born on July 27, 1982 in Guinea-Bissau. I pulled up a Noon chart for her with the twelfth-parts to see what was there. I was immediately struck by some symbolism of the stutter, as clear as day, but hidden in the twelfth-parts.

Joacine Moreira’s Natal Chart with Twelfth-Part Positions Along Outside

Natural Significations

As we do not know the birth time, it is not possible to dig deep into symbolism pertaining to the houses and lots. This is very significant as the houses and lots can key us in to the topics that the planets relate to. They allow us to see how indications may pertain to the identity and physical body of the person for instance. Therefore, we have just a small piece of the story here.

In this case, we are stuck largely with the natural significations. Mercury is the planet that has the most to say about communication. Saturn is the planet most relevant for obstruction.

When it comes to the planets, the Moon is particularly relevant for matters of the body. Note that the Moon is shown at 1 Scorpio but could be in late Libra or a little later in Scorpio as well depending on the birth time.

Without Twelfth-Parts

Examining Mercury simply in the natal chart, we find very little that is particularly unusual. Mercury is combust the Sun (close to the Sun under its beams). That has some light symbolism pertaining to being hidden or obscured, but is also extremely common. Mercury is under the Sun’s beams very frequently for long stretches of time, so on its own the signification is insignificant.

Mercury is in the Sun’s house (Leo), with the Sun, squared by Jupiter, and possibly the Moon. It is in the bound of a benefic (Venus). These all pertain to loftiness, opportunity, and power associated with Mercury, consistent with her political accomplishments. However, Mercury does not appear to have any affliction by a malefic or other difficulties we can surmise.

Joacine Moreira’s Natal Chart with Twelfth-Part Positions Along Outside

Mercury-Saturn in the Twelfth-Parts

There is significant Mercury-Saturn symbolism that we miss by not examining the twelfth-parts. Mercury is at 6-7 Leo. It’s twelfth-part is in the middle of the sign Libra. Libra is occupied by both malefics, Saturn and Mars. In fact, Saturn is at 16 Libra. It is actually possible for the twelfth-part of Mercury to be in a partile conjunction with either natal Saturn or Mars, depending on the time of birth. In any case, Mercury’s twelfth-part is almost surely in mid-to-late Libra, with both malefics.

Additionally, the twelfth-part of Saturn is at about 20 Aries. Therefore, the twelfth-part of Mercury is conjunct natal Saturn and Mars, while opposed to the natal twelfth-part of Saturn. Furthermore, the twelfth-part of Mars is in Leo, with Mercury.

Joacine Moreira’s Natal Chart with Twelfth-Part Positions Along OutsideWhat we find with the addition of the twelfth-parts is that Mercury provides for symbolism of important communication disturbances. The symbolism of obstruction pertaining to Mercury is seen in three ways even without houses. Mercury is combust, has its twelfth-part with Saturn, and has that opposed by the twelfth-part of Saturn. Combustion, the most easily noticeable condition, is here actually the most common and least significant of them. Symbolism of the use of communication as a weapon and as a force of change may also be shown by the links with Mars.

Decans

It is also worth noting that this link between Saturn and Mercury is also apparent in the decans. Mercury is in the first 10 degrees of Leo which is the decan of Saturn. This is yet another significant link between Mercury and the obstructive symbolism of Saturn.

Joacine Moreira’s Natal Chart with Decans (innermost division)

Conclusion

Traditional astrology is extremely limited without an accurate time of birth. However, even in such situations, we can still carefully study the natal chart for a small slice of its symbolism. When we do so it is helpful to pay attention to subtler distinctions than just planets in signs. Twelfth-parts are one too that allow us to do this, seeing additional symbolism that is absent or only in common forms in the bare natal chart.

A link between Mercury and Saturn does not make for a stutter. It is not even sufficient symbolism for indicating a stutter. However, the link between symbolism pertaining to communication and obstruction is necessary to astrologically indicate speech impediments like this one. Mercury is one of the most important astrological symbols for communication, and Saturn for obstruction. Just in using the twelfth-parts and decans we see that multiple forms of this symbolism is indeed present in Joacine’s chart, even without an accurate birth time.

I hope this look will encourage you to take the time to look at the twelfth-parts in every chart you examine as well.

Maya Angelou’s Venus in Pisces and Much More

Introduction

Maya Angelou lived a very complex and noteworthy life. She experienced life’s lowest lows and highest highs, keeping her humanity in tact along the way. Because he life has such low lows and high highs, and a well-timed birth chart is available for her, her chart is instructive one for understanding the complexity of significations.

Maya Angelou was born on 04/04/1928 at 2:10 pm (standard time) in St. Louis, Missouri. Her birth time is said to be from a birth record (AA rodden rating).

Note About Objectives

I read Angelou’s debut novel, “I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings” when in my late teens. Additionally, I had the pleasure of seeing a lecture by her about 15-20 years ago. I recall that she emphasized the importance of letting those around us know we love them. She also discussed how all women can tap into the feeling of sexiness no matter their appearance. As the experience was long ago, much of the biographical information about Angelou’s life which I discuss, has been gleaned from online sources.

In this article I’ll explore the complex way that her chart reflects important points in her life. There are lessons on the site which explore the symbolism and this symbolic approach to astrology. My objective is to show how timing techniques enable us to better evaluate competing interpretations of factor meanings.

In Angelou’s chart this is particularly instructive. Her highs and lows were documented in an earnest fashion across seven autobiographies. She also has an exalted Venus and a Mercury in fall. These are particularly pivotal planets in her chart, as she is someone known particularly for her writing (Mercury), as well as art, entertainment, and sexuality (Venus).

Ages of Man

I recently completed an article that broadly surveys her life using the Ages of Man technique. In that article, it was clear that she was quite vulnerable and downtrodden during her Mercury and Venus periods of her youth. The solar period found Angelou much more empowered, as a globe-trotting entertainer and activist. The Mars period saw a full transition to very active writer and poet. We will consider again the Venus period in this article.

Future Articles?

Here I will particularly focus on some strong activations of Venus in Angelou’s life. The major activations of Venus in Angelou’s youth coincided with some of the most difficult events of her life. Perhaps at some point n the future, I’d like to look at many of the other planets in her chart in greater depth, especially Mercury.

Angelou is known for her wisdom (Jupiter), personal triumphant story (Sun ruling 1st house), and fight for civil rights (Mars) as much as for her art (Venus) and writing (Mercury). All of these things are, however, strongly related to each other in her chart (Jupiter rules Mercury-Venus and is conjunct the Sun; Mars rules Sun-Jupiter).  I hope to show the distinctiveness of some of these complex indications.

Venus Exalted and Afflicted

The significations of Venus have been prominent in many of the most important difficult events of her life, but also some of the good ones. Angelou was raped at the age of 7 1/2 by a boyfriend of her mother. Also, later as a young adult she worked as a sex worker and a pimp at different points. Venus is the planet of sexuality.

Maya Angelou is also known as an artist and entertainer. Venus rules her 10th house of actions, recognition, and profession. Venus is symbolic of artists and entertainers.

In this article, I want to start by zeroing in on Angelou’s Venus. It is all too easy to associate the successes in Angelou’s life with Venus’s exaltation. How do we untangle the complicated mix of a planet’s significations, anyway? Timing techniques enable us to separate out and distinguish many of the different, often even contradictory, indications of a planet by what is activated at different points in time. Here we will focus on the significations of Angelou’s Venus for her early life experiences.

Dignity Interpretation

Angelou has Venus in Pisces, the sign of its exaltation. I’ve noted in many articles on dignity and in some on sexuality, that reinforcement by dignity tends to make the planet’s natural significations a bit more prominent (raised up in prominence) in the life.

This is different from the way that dignity is typically interpreted, where it signifies social or political value (high status) or associates the signification with gain or pleasure (benefic). Rather, my interpretation is that exaltation is making the significations of Venus, both natural (sex, art) and accidental (8th house, rulership of X and III, aspects, etc.) a bit more prominent in the life.

Maya Angelou’s Natal Chart with Twelfth-Part Positions Outside the Wheel

Benefic?

Since my work on dignity many years ago, I’ve noticed that it has generally become less emphasized in traditional astrology. I’ve also noticed that when it is emphasized, it is at least re-interpreted. While these are positive developments, some of the reinterpretations have also been concerning.

One of the more popular recent reinterpretations of dignity is that positive dignity shows something coming easy or naturally, while negative dignity shows something that one struggles with. I would caution against this interpretation. It is actually a re-working of the interpretation of dignity as benefic. Many of the arguments I’ve made in the past against the benefic/malefic interpretation of dignity apply also to this interpretation.

Struggle?

The interpretation also tends to diminish the accomplishments of those with planets in dignity.  If, for instance, a writer has Mercury in fall and becomes a great writer, then it is seen to be due to their own perseverance against adversity. However, the same writer with Mercury in dignity supposedly just had it come easy. When one is successful, it is then attributed to dignity (easy talent) or negative dignity (improvement through struggle) when “success” itself is reflected by other factors in the chart, such as those pertaining to eminence. Therefore, too much is attributed to dignity or negative dignity in disservice to actually reading the chart.

Up and Down

When it comes to exaltation and fall, there are some special considerations. Fall was the only sort of “negative dignity” for most Hellenistic astrologers. Exaltation has a sense of raising up and fall of bringing down or depressing. These need not be benefic or malefic in signification. Rather it is again keeping with the interpretation of dignity that I advocate, pertaining to prominence; a type of raising up and putting it out there vs. a type of bringing it down and hiding it away. The planet in exaltation has its matters made more prominent in some way in the life, while the planet in fall may signify a type of being brought low, suppressed, or hidden.

As planets are in signs for extended periods, these are weak significations in themselves. However, when there are multiple similar indications then they can become more significant.

Exaltation as a Form of Prominence

Exaltation does not make significations better, easier, more beneficial, or more socially or politically normative. For example, both Jeffrey Epstein (Venus at 16 Pisces in partile conjunction with Mars) and Harvey Weinstein (Venus at 4 Pisces conjunct the twelfth-part of Saturn) were born with Venus in exaltation.  Sexual circumstances in their lives, like those in the life of Angelou, became quite prominent. As Venus was also strongly connected with malefics, these circumstances tended to pertain to adverse circumstances (not “dignified” ones).

This is not to say that Angelou’s Venus has no benefic significations. All planets in any chart have both positive and negative indications. It is just that the positive or benefic associations of Venus do not necessarily pertain to “exaltation”. Rather, they include being a benefic herself and being ruled by Jupiter (and having a twelfth-part in Jupiter’s bound) among other things. Distinguishing the positive and negative associations of a planet in the chart is very important as different types of meaning will be activated at different times.

In any case, exaltation applies to a planet over a prolonged period of time (in theory one-twelfth the population could have Venus exalted). Therefore, it should be considered an overall relatively weak indication of prominence. Always look for repeat indications of any particular meaning in the natal chart and through predictive techniques.

Turning to Venus in Angelou’s Early Life

Venus and the 7th House in Angelou’s Chart

When it comes to the rape at age 7 1/2 and other such adverse sexual events we are most interested in Venus and the 7th house. This is because Venus is the natural significator of sexuality and the 7th house is the house of sexuality. Some also associate the 5th house with sexuality (it is the Joy of Venus), making the 5th possibly also relevant.

The adverse symbolic associations with Venus in the chart include her being out of sect, in the 8th house (a dark house), in the bound of Mars, domination by Saturn which closely aspects by superior square, and her twelfth-part in Scorpio which is the Place of Affliction in her chart and ruled by Mars.

Maya Angelou Natal with Twelfth-Part Positions Outside the Wheel

Maya Angelou’s Natal Chart with Select Lots

The 7th house also has its share of adverse indications. Mars, the out of sect malefic, is present in the 7th house and is in the bound and home of Saturn. It (Mars) rules and squares the twelfth-part of Venus from the 7th house. The twelfth-part of Mars is in the dark 6th house, pertaining to health and accidents, opposite the twelfth-part of Saturn. Mars also connects its significations of violent adversity to the Moon (her twelfth-part is in the 7th). The partile conjunct between Mars and the Lot of Spirit is also noteworthy.

In conclusion, Venus has a lot of adverse meanings in the natal chart pertaining particularly to her location and aspect with Saturn, but also associations with Mars in the Place of Affliction. The adverse associations with the 7th house itself are primarily through Mars, but also its ruler Saturn.

Age 7-8 : Rape, Death, and the Start of Silence

One of the most well-known and pivotal events in Angelou’s life was her rape recounted in her first book, I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings. In multiple interviews, Angelou has stated that she was 7 1/2 to almost 8 when the rape occurred. The event and its aftermath altered her life forever.

Angelou was raped at nearly 8 years old by her mother’s boyfriend. Shortly after telling her family, the man was beaten to death. The rape was extremely traumatic for Angelou but the death of the rapist was as well. She believed he was killed due to her reporting the rape to her family. This tormented her as she came to view her own voice as responsible. She in turn went nearly mute for about the next 5-6 years. She spoke sparingly, only with her brother, during those years.

The events bring forth much of the symbolism of the Venus-Mercury conjunction (sexuality; voice) in the 8th house (death) in a mute sign (Pisces) sharply squared by Saturn (death, muting), ruler of the 7th house.

Planetary Years: Venus

The 8th year (age 7) and age 8 are interesting as 8 is the planetary years of Venus. Therefore, the 8th year represents an activation of Venus by planetary years. This points to the significations of Venus as particularly important when it came to events of the time. This indication fits well with the events of the year.

Profection: Pisces 8th House

The annual profection at age 7 is to the 8th house (age 0 is the 1st house). Therefore, the rape occurred at a time when the annual profection was to Pisces, her 8th house, occupied by Mercury and Venus, ruled by Jupiter. Therefore, the year of the rape was not only reflected by the activation of Venus by planetary years, but also symbolized by the activation of the 8th house Venus in Pisces by profection.

The annual profection puts a clear focus on the themes of death, harm, and idleness (8th house, superior square of Saturn, Mercury-Venus in bound of Mars), as well as their relation to sexuality (Venus) and communication (Mercury). Additionally, as we’ll see, after and out of the harm of the 8th house comes an escape to a vast world of wisdom and sense of identity (Jupiter as ruler, in 9th conjunct Sun, ruler of 1st).

Maya Angelou Natal with Twelfth-Part Positions Outside the Wheel

It is also notable that the profection coincided with Maya briefly living with her mother. The rape occurred due to this brief stint of living with her mother and was at the hands of her mother’s boyfriend at the time. The 8th house, Pisces, is the Lot of the Mother.

Maya Angelou’s Natal Chart with Select Lots

Solar Return: Age 7

The meanings that are reinforced become clearer in the solar return for age 7.

 

Angelou Age 7 Solar Return as Transits Around the Natal Chart

Saturn in Pisces

Transiting Saturn had entered Pisces, the sign of the year. This was an activation of the dominating square from Saturn to the 8th house, and particularly to the Mercury-Venus conjunction.

Mars in Partile Opposition to Jupiter, Lord of the Year

The lord of the year, Jupiter was in Scorpio, the natal Place of Affliction, conjunct the natal twelfth-part of Venus, and opposed by return Venus, putting a focus again on Venusian events. When it comes to Jupiter natally, the capacity for upset to Jupiter is through Mars, as Mars is the out of sect malefic and rules Jupiter’s house (Aries). The return Jupiter is similarly “subject to” Mars, being located in Scorpio.

Natally, Jupiter, the lord of the year, is in very bad shape. Mars, the out of sect malefic, is in the return at 16 Libra retrograde, applying a partile opposition to natal Jupiter at 16 Aries. The position of Mars in Libra is significant for other reasons as well. Libra is a house of Venus and is the location of the Moon, indicative of the body.  The rMars conjunct natal Moon also reflects the natal twelfth-part Moon with Mars in the 7th house (bodily harm in the house of sexuality).

Additionally, those with a good sense for twelfth-parts will realize that the position of Mars at 16LIB27 actually has its twelfth-part at 17 Aries, conjunct natal Jupiter.

In conclusion, we see an emphasis on the conflictive and malefic side of the Mars-Jupiter relationship. This is very significant as Jupiter is the lord of the year. Jupiter is also the ruler of the Mercury-Venus conjunction, so both the conjunction and its ruler are afflicted in the return.

Angelou Age 7 Solar Return as Transits Around the Natal Chart

Venus in Focus

I’ve noted a few ways in which Venus was in focus for the year, from the activation by planetary years, to the activation of the 8th house by profection. The solar return greatly intensifies this focus on Venus. It also reinforces what I’ve said about being wary of interpreting dignity as ease or beneficence.

The solar return had the Moon rising and conjoining Venus in Taurus, with the actual bound of Venus on the Ascendant. Additionally, the degree of return Venus is 17 Taurus, the same degree as Angelou’s MC. This is a “status” changing year, but not for the better. Saturn’s twelfth-part in the return also falls in Taurus by the Ascendant (5PIS47 -> 9TAU), again reinforcing the Saturn-Venus natal configuration.

Maya Angelou Age 7 Solar Return

Mercury-Saturn

Of course, looking beyond the Saturn-Venus indications, we find that the Saturn-Mercury indications are also in focus for the year. Mercury is in return in the 8th house, while Saturn is also there. Due to the tight applying Mercury-Venus conjunction in the natal chart, the significations of both planets are often strongly related to each other. Return Saturn and return Mercury together in Pisces further emphasize the themes of suppression and muteness associated with natal Mercury in Pisces square Saturn.

Angelou Age 7 Solar Return as Transits Around the Natal Chart

Primary Directions: Saturn to the Moon

The primary directions for the period are revealing as Saturn (by sextile) directed to the natal Moon. This connects Saturn’s significations of affliction to the personal life and sexuality. The Moon is located in the house of Venus and has her twelfth-part in the 7th house with Mars in Aquarius, ruled by Saturn. Saturn’s difficulties pertain particularly to sex, communication and death due to Saturn’s square to the 8th house Venus-Mercury).

Angelou Age 7-8 Primary Directions

Aftermath of Experience

I’d like to take a moment to note the transformative effect that the year had on Angelou. The events were traumatic on multiple levels and would drive her to become a near mute. However, over the subsequent years, Angelou would immerse herself in reading and writing. She would also meet a teacher, Mrs. Flowers, who would become a pivotal role model, eventually coaxing her to start talking again at age 13.

Much of the aftermath is reflected by the natal Sun-Jupiter conjunction in the 9th house and the Moon in the third (female school teacher). The beneficial aftermath consisting of near constant reading and writing would transition to more difficult periods in her late teens and early twenties. Note that the period from age 4 to age 14 is the period of Mercury, planet of communication and study, in the Ages of Man (see below).

Age 14-22: Teen Pregnancy and Struggles

Ages 14-22 are interesting when looking at Venus. Ptolemy viewed the ages of 14-22 as particularly tied into the symbolism of Venus. A scheme that he noted called the Ages of Man creates a set of correspondences between the planets and stages in every person’s life. In this scheme, Venus is representative of the late adolescence, a time puberty puts sexuality and relating into focus and one physically transitions into an adult.

This is a time lord technique used by Ptolemy for sketching the broad outlines of the life. You can find Ptolemy’s full explanation of the Ages of Man in Book IV of Ch. 10 of his Tetrabiblos (follow the link).

For Maya Angelou, these years were some of the darkest in her life, as detailed in her second autobiography, Gather Together in My Name. The period is marked by teen pregnancy, dropping in and out of school, despair, suicidal thoughts, and resorting to crime, even prostitution to survive.

Age 14: Moves in With Mother

At age 14, kicking off the Venus years, Angelou moved from her grandmother, who had raised her since age 3, to her mother in San Francisco. This would have been an annual profection to the 3rd house, Libra, ruled by Venus, and occupied by the Moon. The symbolism of the chart fits, as the Moon, in her Joy in the 3rd, is very symbolic of Angelou’s mother. This would have been the first profection to the house occupied by the Moon since Maya moved in with her grandmother 11 years prior.

Maya Angelou Natal with Twelfth-Part Positions Outside the Wheel

Age 15 or 16: First Black Streetcar Conductor

Around age 15 or 16, Angelou became the first black streetcar conductor in San Francisco. This was a job she was very proud of. It is sometimes reported as happening in 1943 (she turned 15 in 1943) and at other times in 1944 (she turned 16 that year), and typically reported as when she was 16. As she got pregnant when she was 16, I’m guessing that this event took place when she was 15, during the profection to Scorpio, occupied by the twelfth-parts of Mercury and Venus, significant for a job (Venus ruled 10th) pertaining to street cars (Mercury).

Age 16: Teen Pregnancy

Angelou’s Venusian troubles didn’t end at age 8. She got pregnant at age 16 (another activation of Venus by planetary years; 2 x 8) by a neighborhood boy, and gave birth to her first and only child at age 17.  Note that age 16 was an activation of the Sagittarius 5th house of children by profection (occupied by Saturn), and age 17 of Capricorn (Saturn as lord of the year).

The solar return for age 16 sees Saturn at 21 Gemini, opposite natal Saturn within 3 degrees. It also sees Venus at 22 Pisces, in exact return within 2 degrees. The lord of the year, Jupiter, a planet that confers children, is transiting through the 1st house of the body and closely trine its natal position. Clyde, who later went by Guy, was to be her only child.

Maya Angelou’s Solar Return at Age 16 as Transits Around Natal Chart

Venus as Distributor: Ages 16-28

The teen pregnancy was not just an activation of Venus by planetary years. It also occurred just after the distributor changed to Venus for the first time. The distributor of the Ascendant had been Mercury since about age 7 1/2, around the time of the rape and the silence. At about age 16, it switched to Venus.

Maya Angelou’s Distributors of the Ascendant Over the Entire Life

The period which began with the pregnancy, also included the desperate years of her late teens and early twenties, as well as her first marriage, and the start of her entertainment career. We see darker elements of the Venusian signification during the Venus developmental years (by Ages of Man), while themes switch to marriage, publicity, and travel in relation to entertainment during the solar ones.

Ages 17-21: Struggles and Criminality

In the late 1940’s, as a young adult (about age 17-21) she worked odd jobs to support her child. This included exotic dancing in night clubs and even serving as a madam and sometime prostitute at a brothel.

Using the Ages of Man technique, we find that the Venus developmental years are largely marked by obscure struggle to survive; a desperation to make a living and support her son. She came face-to-face with poverty, racism, and having to resort to crime to survive, even resorting to prostitution. Almost as soon as the period ended, circumstances changed for the better.

This is the contrast between the heavily afflicted Venus and the very strong and prominent Sun which is conjunct Jupiter. Angelou married a Greek sailor who was an aspiring musician, at age 23, just after the Sun period started. Her and her husband immersed themselves in the study and performance of dance and music. She also changed her name from Marguerite Johnson to Maya Angelou. This change involved her childhood nickname of Maya, together with a modified version of her Greek husband’s last name Angelos.

Age 26: The Venus-Pisces Activation

While the activation of the exalted Venus at age 8 by planetary years was tragic, we may suppose that this was an isolated incident. Perhaps activation of Venus together with the sign that she is exalted in (Pisces) would produce a much different scenario.

One traditional Hellenistic means of looking at an activation of the planet together with the sign is to look at the planetary years of Venus plus the rising time of the sign. The rising time for Pisces in her chart is 18.57 years, which together with the 8 planetary years of Venus is 26.57 years. What happened at about age 26 in Angelou’s life?

Rising Times of the Signs at Angelou’s Birth

Marriage Dissolution

In 1954, at age 25 or 26, Angelou got divorced from her first husband and briefly went back to exotic dancing (1954-1955). This was a difficulty and a setback, keeping with the symbolism of Venus in her chart. It was also a liberation that would make way for her career as a traveling entertainer.

There are some important significations related to the combination of the solar significations of the development period (by Ages of Man) and the Venusian significations of the Venus in Pisces activation. Actually, age 26, the 27th year, is also an activation of the Sun-Venus relationship by planetary years (19+8). One point of contention in the marriage (Venus) was religion (Sun-Jupiter in IX), as her husband was an atheist. Additionally, just after the marriage dissolved, Angelou didn’t just feel freer to worship (Sun-Jupiter in IX) but also to travel as an entertainer (Venus ruled by Jupiter in IX).

Career Takes Off

Starting at age 26, Angelou joined a production of Porgy and Bess which toured Europe. This was one of the highlights of her early entertainment career. While she didn’t complete the entire tour due to a need to return to her son, she visited 22 countries over about a year’s time. It was a significant time for career, travel, and Venus.

Profection to Libra

I’ve already noted how the Sun-Jupiter in IX and Venus in Pisces fit into the equation. However, the annual profection continues the themes of Venus and travel. The profection was to the 3rd house, Libra, occupied by the Moon and ruled by Venus. The Moon and the 3rd are both significant for journeys, while the ruler, Venus, lord of the year, signifies the arts and entertainment. The twelfth-part of Jupiter is also in Libra conjunct the Moon, further reinforcing the themes noted by other indications.

Maya Angelou Natal with Twelfth-Part Positions Outside the Wheel

Age 26 Solar Return

The solar return for age 26 shows the divorce and separation from child (she didn’t take her son on tour), as well as the career focus and glory. First of all, 19 Scorpio rises in the return, putting a focus on Maya’s 4th house and her twelfth-part Venus (20 Scorpio). Saturn is transiting in the natal 4th house at the return, indicating a break-up and ending of the home life. This is further reinforced by a partile opposition between the Moon in the 7th house of the return and Saturn in the return 1st house.

Maya Angelou’s Age 26 Solar Return

Libra, the sign of the year is occupied by only the Lot of Fortune (and twelfth-part of return Mercury at 8 Libra). It is unafflicted by the malefics. Venus is lord of the year, and in the return she is opposed to Saturn. I take this as showing a separation from (Saturn and opposition) the difficult home life (Saturn transiting through 4th), through entertainment career (Venus transiting in X) and travel (Moon with Venus in X; natal Moon and twelfth-part Jupiter in Libra III).

Maya Angelou’s Age 26 Solar Return as Transits Around Natal Chart

A Complicated Web

The return Jupiter graces natal Venus with a very tight (within a degree) applying inferior square from the natal 11th house. All in all, we find a very mixed year. The significations of Venus for family and partnership are clobbered by Saturn. Return Mars has a superior square to Pisces which also plays out a return to some of the 8th house Venus themes of sexual exploitation. However, as a stripper she is discovered by a production company and her entertaining career hits a new high.

The distinct career benefit orientation of Venus is shown by return Venus (and her twelfth-part) in X, finally calling the shots in that house sheReadability rules. Therefore, there is a distinct polarity between career success and family upheaval playing out. The malefic reign in the lower chart and the benefics up high.

Exaltation

What can we gather about exaltation from all this? On the one hand, the activation of sign and planet together coincided with some Venusian lows, including divorce and a return to stripping. Yet, on the other hand, it coincided with Venusian highs of career opportunity (Venus ruled 10th) and globe trotting as an entertainer.

Again, I would argue that chiefly what we see is that an exalted Venus is one in which the sign gives the planet more prominence. The activation by sign + years brought forth an explosion of important themes represented by Venus in the chart. An annual profection to Libra certainly reinforced these. However, this is a very complex Venus, and one quite loaded with symbolism of affliction. Many of the themes of affliction through Saturn were reinforced for marriage and home life. At the same time, many beneficial significations follow from Jupiter in the natal chart and its relation to Venus.

Raised Up

It is important to first consider the role Jupiter may be playing. That is, before crediting “exaltation” with all manor of benefit as astrologers are apt to do. The profection falls to Jupiter’s twelfth-part and Jupiter in the return aspects natal Venus within a degree. Natal Jupiter in the 9th conjunct the Sun (recognition, fame) also accords with the nature of the travel and significant opportunities of the year.

In the sense of being “raised up” to prominence, perhaps the exaltation can signify more. As I’ve noted before, it signifies weakly in itself. Planets are continuously in a sign over an extended period, so the signal is not very distinctive. Still, we may see a broader signification of raising up in some sense. In this case, a raised up signification is reinforced by Jupiter, which also signifies loftiness, and return Venus in the 10th house, the loftiest of houses. Angelou was literally raised out of her home and circumstances to tour the world for entertainment (Venus-Moon in X).

A Note on 1965 and the Sign+Planet Technique

Very few astrologers today use symbolic techniques like planetary years and rising times of signs. However, I think they are missing out. For instance, combining rising times with planetary years, we might also want to focus on the time that is about the 37th year and the age 37, 1965. That year combines the planetary years of Mars (15) with its natal house Aquarius (22.18 years), as well as the Sun (19) with its natal house Aries (18.57 years).

Rising Times of the Signs at Angelou’s Birth

1965 is interesting as it marked Angelou’s return from Africa to the US. She had lived in Ghana with her son for the preceding few years. Upon her return to the US she worked with Malcolm X on the new civil right organization, Organization of Afro-American Unity. However, he was assassinate in February of that year. Devastated, she moved to Hawaii to sing again. Yet, she then moved to the Watts neighborhood of LA to focus on writing. There she witnessed the Watts riots of the summer of ’65, the worst LA unrest until the Rodney King riots of 1992.

These events clearly show the importance that the Sun and Mars hold for political activism in her chart. I touched upon how her Aquarian Mars and her Aries Sun relate to her career in activism in my exploration of the Ages of Man. Similarly, we see the value in using planetary years and ascensional times as a form of planet in sign activation.

Jupiter, Saturn, and the 5th House of Creative Fruits: Some Key Years

I won’t be looking at every activation of Venus in Angelou’s life, as that could fill a book. However, I do want to note that many landmark years actually coincided with profections to the 5th house, Sagittarius, occupied by Saturn and ruled by Jupiter. In the article on the Ages of Man, I noted how the 5th house can pertain to creative fruits of all sorts. I also mentioned that Angelou directed her first film to kick off her Saturn Ages of Man period (age 68; also a profection to the 9th house, occupied by Jupiter).  AI also noted that Angelou’s teen pregnancy occurred during a 5th house profection.

Yet, the significance the 5th house Saturn extends well beyond her teen pregnancy or the 68 year old directorial debut. Angelou recorded her first CD in November of 1956 (Miss Calypso), which would have been during a profection to her 5th house (age 28). She also acted in her first film the same year (Calypso Heat Wave), which would be released after her 29th birthday.

Angelou wrote her first book, and most famous autobiography (I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings) when she was 40 (1968-1969), another 5th house profection. 24 years later, in January 1993, at age 64, she delivered her landmark public recitation of a poem, at Clinton’s inauguration. The performance catapulted her fame and the recording of the poem won her a Grammy the following year.

Maya Angelou Natal with Twelfth-Part Positions Outside the Wheel

Why Jupiter-Saturn?

I bring up these Jupiter-Saturn 5th house activations because they point to an often overlooked part of her chart. Saturn is a malefic and contributes to the harsh significations around Maya’s 8th house Venus. However, Saturn is also a planet in sect, ruled by Jupiter, involved in a trine with its sect mates the Sun and Jupiter. Together with Mars in the VII, we find that activations of these planets have much more to do with productive and successful periods in Angelou’s life than Venus.

This highlights the symbolic complexity of a natal chart. We must go beyond “good planets” and “bad planets” to specify just how certain combinations can symbolize in difficult or beneficial ways. Saturn in this chart is quite mixed, being very harsh in relation to Venus but extremely beneficial in relation to the Sun and Jupiter.

A Couple Key Activations

That first book was not only written when Angelou was 40 but it was published when she was 41 (her 42nd year), an activation of Saturn with Jupiter (30+12). Angelou most memorable acting role was in early 1977, during her 49th year, an activation of Saturn with the Sun (30+19), in Roots.

Venus, Mom, and Character

I want to end this article with a look at character analysis in the chart, as well as some of the significations pertaining to Venus, especially as regards her mother.

Character

In some of the other explorations of character on the site, I’ve noted the key importance of the rulers of the Ascendant for self-identification. There are other factors that are important as well. These include Mercury, the twelfth-part of the Ascendant, Mercury, and the Ascendant lord, the planetary day and hour rulers, the Lot of Spirit, prominent fixed stars, the sect light, and more.

The Sun

The Ascendant lords are always a good place to start though. Angelou was born with the Ascendant in the Mercury bound of the Sun’s home, Leo. The Sun is a key planet for the character in her chart, as both the Ascendant lord and the sect light. We see the Sun’s natural significations of confidence, attention-grabbing, leadership, boldness, and flair in the character.

There are also its natural significations pertaining to its conjunction with Jupiter in the Mercury bound of the 9th house, Aries. We see religion, wisdom, travel, internationalism, courage, teaching, bluntness, honesty, and communication as tied up with these accidental significations.

Maya Angelou Natal with Twelfth-Part Positions Outside the Wheel

Mercury

Mercury is the other most significant key planet for character in her chart. It is not only the bound ruler of the Ascendant, but also the bound ruler of both lights, and Jupiter, and Saturn. In addition to being the bound lord of the Sun, Mercury also rules the Sun’s twelfth-part (in Virgo). Mercury can even naturally signify the conscious or rational mind.

Day and Hour?

Even more significantly, Mercury is the planetary day and hour ruler. While these symbolic day and hour rulerships are not strongly emphasized today, they were in the past. Hellenistic astrologers like Valens, Paulus Alexandrinus (Chs. 19-21), and Rhetorius (Ch. 56) noted the planetary day and hour rulers. The day lord was said to preside over the day, while the hour lords managed affairs for their period. These day and hour lords were also given significant weight in some later medieval point-based techniques for finding a chart lord.

Maya Angelou Natal with Twelfth-Part Positions Outside the Wheel

Complex and Verbose

Mercury is clever, communicative, and complex. From Angelou’s self-identification as a poet to her teaching and her influential period of near muteness, Mercury in the chart says a lot about who she is. Mercury is conjunct Venus in the bound of Mars, in fall, in the 8th house, dominated by Saturn, but ruled by a lofty and fiery Jupiter. Much of what Angelou has to say is described by this proximity to love and art, and rulership by a planet granting broad opportunity, yet familiarity with abuse, desperation, prejudice, and loss.

Mars

Mars is the most prominent planet in the chart in one sense. This is because it is so strongly advancing toward the Descendant and is the only planet in an angular house. In fact, these two factors render Mars an important career significator. This is further reinforced by the conjunction of Mars with the Lot of Spirit. The Lot of Spirit can signify in relation to the character but also in relation to profession.

Maya Angelou’s Natal Chart with Select Lots

As Mars does not rule the Ascendant, its significations regarding the character are a bit more indirect. Its prominence makes martial affairs prominent in the life in a way that suggests Mars is “busy” in the life. Angelou is very familiar with violence, masculinity, struggle, conflict, and courage. She even had relationships (Mars in VII) with revolutionary men. Aquarius, a human sign, makes the struggle largely a humanitarian one, and connects it with the oppressed and minorities (Saturn).

In the Ages of Man article, I noted that Angelou’s writing career didn’t fully materialize until her Mars period started at age 41. The Mars period saw her as highly productive and extremely politically active. Mars represents the activist, fighter, and hard-working side of her character.

Venus

Venus also has no rulership of the Ascendant so its significations too are a little more indirect. She does rule the twelfth-part of the Ascendant though, which gives he some importance for the character. However, Venus is more important when it comes to the career. Venus and Mercury, like Mars, have significance as career significators. There is more identification with Venus-Mercury for matters of career because of their connections with the Ascendant and MC, despite the greater prominence of Mars. Venus-Mercury also both have their twelfth-parts in the 4th house, a stake of the chart. See the first article in the series on career significators for more information about these placements.

The 10th house, Taurus, is ruled by Venus and both her and Mercury closely aspect the MC. Angelou identified with being an artist and entertainer, especially in her early years. She was a singer, dancer, and actor. Even her forays into being a madame, an exotic dancer, and prostitution indicate her associating Venus with making her way in the world (X). Therefore, I take Venus as being less relevant for describing the character itself than in describing an identification with using Venus for the career.

She was eventually able to combine her more personal identification with Mercury with her need to incorporate Venus into her career. Her role as poet and creative autobiographer/memoirist fits the bill. Few professions are a better fit for the symbolism of her Mercury-Venus conjunction in Pisces.

Maya Angelou’s Natal Chart with Select Lots

A Closer Look at Venus and Mom

Angelou’s Venus is significant on a number of other levels as well. I’ve noted that exaltation, rulership by Jupiter, and its rulership of the 10th house all serve to increase the prominence of Venusian matters. Less obvious is the connections between Venus and Angelou’s mother. This is itself a matter of afflicted hard feelings with prominence, much like Venus.

Pisces is the Lot of the Mother, and Venus is there. Venus has her twelfth-part in the 4th house of roots, and as a feminine planet in the house of roots this is significant for the mother. The Moon, a natural significator of mothers, is in Libra, ruled by Venus. The Moon has her twelfth-part in Aquarius with Mars. There’s much Mars and 8th house in these significations, but also a lot of importance and prominence. The Moon, and Jupiter, tend to show the pleasant side of things here while Venus the more problematic.

Maya Angelou Natal with Twelfth-Part Positions Outside the Wheel

A Pivotal Complex Relationship

Angelou felt abandoned by her mother as a child. Her rape occurred during her brief time living with her mother again, and at the hands of her mom’s boyfriend. Her mother disapproved of her marrying a white foreigner. There was a lot of conflict with her mother in her early life. Yet, Angelou’s final autobiography centers entirely on her complex relationship with her mother. It is title Mom & Me & Mom and was published in 2013.

Maya reconciled with her mother and they were crucially supportive of each other. Her book is a testament to her profound admiration of her mother. It befits a birth chart with a Full Moon in its Joy in Libra conjunct the twelfth-part of Jupiter. She laid out the good and bad of her mother and their relationship in the book, while leading with the theme of her mother’s profound influence and wisdom.

The Origin of the Zodiac

Introduction

In a prior article, I discussed the history of the tropical zodiac. That article was centered on the research of historians of science. In this article, I look back to the origin of the twelve sign zodiac itself. In other words, I’ll be looking at the Babylonian zodiac. Like the article on the tropical zodiac, this one is intended to share some reliable historic information of interest with the general public. I hope you will find some interesting facts regarding the origin of the zodiac regardless of whether you believe in astrology.

Current State of Confusion

There is generally a lot of confusion as to the origin of the regular twelve sign zodiac, and why it split into sidereal and tropical zodiacs. I can recall my own past internet searches on the topic which had often ended in frustration due to a dearth of publicly available information. Even academic sources sometimes provide oversimplifications or ambiguities that lead to misunderstandings.

Tropical Zodiac Antiquity

As noted in the article on the tropical zodiac, the antiquity of the tropical zodiac tends to be misunderstood. For instance, it is widely thought that the tropical zodiac first came about in the 2nd century CE with Ptolemy’s Almagest. However, one of the most surprising aspects of zodiac history is that the tropical zodiac is nearly as old as the (Babylonian) regular zodiac itself. It was adopted by Greek astronomers in the late 5th century BCE, almost as soon as the zodiac became known in Greece. For more information about this see my article on the age of the tropical zodiac.

Number of Babylonian Zodiacal Constellations

Additionally, many believe there was a long historical use of a twelve constellation zodiac in Babylonian astrology prior to the advent of the regularized zodiac. As we’ll see the constellational zodiac of the Babylonians was one of 17-18 constellations (two were often condensed to one yielding 17). It was contracted into a twelve constellation zodiac after the zodiac was regularized. The regularization itself was due to calendrical influences. It is not the case that twelve constellations on the ecliptic particularly stood out for astrological use.

Calendar and Zodiac

What is most frequently overlooked in discussions of the zodiac is the important role the calendar played in influencing the decision to have 12 signs, 360 degrees, and Aries as the first sign. I have heard the tropical zodiac disparaged as just a fancy calendar. Such a statement belies ignorance about the important agricultural, cultural, and symbolic roles played by calendars in the ancient world. In fact, the advent of the twelve sign zodiac, especially the regular zodiac, is bound up with the calendar. An understanding of the close link between the zodiac and the calendar sheds light on some of the impetus and logic behind the zodiac.

The Myth

There’s a myth that is prevalent in the history of the zodiac. A convenient myth that makes for a nice simple explanation of the zodiac’s origins. The myth goes something like the italicized passage below.

The ancient Babylonians used the constellations that we still know today in their astrology. Twelve of their astrological constellations, those lying on the ecliptic, became the zodiac. Then as Babylonians became more concerned with mathematical astronomy, and less concerned with direct observation, they regularized the zodiac to 12 equal signs of thirty degrees. These signs roughly corresponded to the constellations they were named for. They were fixed relative to those constellations by a reference star and the zodiac was thus sidereal in both essence and calculation, without regard for the tropical relationship between the ecliptic and the equator. Much later, some Greek astronomers, most notably Ptolemy, opted to fix the signs relative to the equinox (intersection of ecliptic and equator), turning the zodiac into a sort of solar calendar. 

Missing Elements

Unfortunately for those who like simple and convenient theories, this myth betrays the very messy, complex, and fascinating true history of the zodiac. The myth does this through oversimplification and by ignoring the pivotal role of three extremely important elements.

First, it ignores the lack of sharp distinction between tropical and sidereal in the ancient world, where stars (sidereal) were regularly used as sign posts of the seasonal solar (tropical) year. Prior to knowledge of precession, the stars were the most readily apparent stellar sign posts of the tropical year. The Babylonians lacked knowledge of precession so they did not draw the sort of distinction between sidereal and tropical that we do today.

Secondly, it ignores the pivotal role played by the Babylonian idealized administrative calendar. That calendar was correlated with tropical features of the year as well as the phases and declinations of the fixed stars. It played a central role in Babylonian astrology and in shaping the zodiac.

Third, it ignores the fact that the zodiac was almost immediately imported into Greece where an explicitly tropical orientation was preferred from the start. Interestingly, that preference came prior to any knowledge of precession.

A Taste of Reality

Here is a taste of some of the facts betrayed by this myth.

Just prior to the regularization of the zodiac, the Babylonians were using a zodiac of at least 17 constellations, not 12. This was the constellational zodiac in use until roughly the time that the regularized 12 signs came into being. Its use was discontinued not long after the regularized zodiac arose.

The Babylonians had an administrative calendar of 12 months of 30 days each that was used since at least the end of the 4th millennium BCE. It is actually the oldest calendar attested in writing, being found in preliterate logographic cuneiform accounting texts. By the end of the 2nd millennium BCE, this calendar had become linked with the tropical/seasonal cycle through the phases of the fixed stars and variations in the length of day. By the time of the composition of the MUL.APIN (prior to 7th century BCE) it had become the central calendar for Babylonian astrology and astronomy. In the MUL.APIN, the most heavily copied text of Babylonian astrology, it is centrally featured throughout.

We’ll be examining these facts, and many more, in detail, with support from Babylonian texts and scholarly work in the history of science.

Thesis

The origins of the Babylonian zodiac (and much of early astrology) are intimately linked with the agricultural year. Phases of the fixed stars relative to the Sun were used as significant markers of the agricultural year by ancient agricultural societies from Mesopotamia to Greece and beyond. The history of using the fixed stars as the yardstick for essentially tropical agricultural cycles long predates knowledge of precession or even the ability to accurately pinpoint the equinox.

The origin of the first 12 sign zodiac, with signs of 30 degrees, involved motivating factors that can be characterized as both sidereal and tropical. Its shape, regularity, and ratios are a direct result of the calendar rather than the stars. The Babylonian ideal calendar upon which it was based had a long standing tradition of correlation with the tropical year.

The use of sidereal periods and markers rather than tropical ones follows logically from their overtness and the Babylonian lack of knowledge of precession. With the stars as the long-standing yardstick for the tropical year and a lack of knowledge regarding their shift relative to the equinox, it is little wonder that longitudes should’ve been calculated by sidereal rather than tropical reference. Hence, we find the confusion wrought by a regular zodiac shaped by the calendar, correlated to the tropical year, named for the constellations, and measured by the stars, inevitably fracturing into tropical and sidereal counterparts.

What’s a Zodiac?

Before journeying to Babylon, let’s consider just what a zodiac is. Loosely defined, a zodiac consists of segments of the sky that the Sun, Moon, and visible planets appear to pass through. It is the segmentation of the “road” traveled by the Sun, Moon, and classical planets.

There are three major types of zodiac. These are constellational zodiacs consisting of groupings of stars, and two major types of regularized zodiac coordinate systems. Those two types are one fixed with respect to a reference star (sidereal) and one fixed with respect to the celestial equator (tropical). Additionally, the solar calendar can also act as a sort of proto-zodiac due to the correlation of solar declination and time of year with segments of sky by association with the phases of the fixed stars.

The Moon Among the Stars

Many cultures used and continue to use a zodiac of constellations. These are the constellations through which the Moon and planets travel. A couple examples include the twelve zodiacal constellations, as well as the 17-18 constellations in the Path of the Moon of the Babylonians. The number of constellations can vary, and constellations themselves vary in size and orientation. Traditional constellations also lack well-defined boundaries between them. Constellational references may include language about positions before, in, or after specific constellations, while sign reference refer only to positions within signs.

As stars become apparent at night, it is chiefly the passage of the Moon through the constellations which make the constellational shapes most significant. The precise ecliptic as defined by the passage of the Sun is not as significant. The Sun’s passage through whole constellations is not visible, though constellations which rise before sunrise were notable (see next section). We see this stress on the Moon’s position in a constellational zodiac in the ancient uses of the Indian nakshatras and the Babylonian constellations in the Path of the Moon.

The Sun and the Phases of the Stars

Ancient civilizations were agricultural. While the Sun’s passage through the constellations was not directly apparent, the phases of the stars with respect to the Sun were of the utmost importance.

Sirius

Take for instance the first appearance of the bright star Sirius rising just before sunrise (after having been obscured by the Sun’s rays for about a month). This event initially heralded the flooding of the Nile for the Egyptians. The flooding of the Nile was crucial for Egyptian agriculture, so this event was closely monitored. It was used as the start of the Egyptian year. Interestingly, Sirius is displaced from the ecliptic such that precession has a small effect on the length of the year relative to Sirius, which was almost exactly 365.25 days. The fact that Egyptians compared their 365 day calendar year to the exact heliacal rising of Sirius may be one reason that Egyptians initially proposed the concept of the leap year (acted upon by Julius Caesar).

Off the Ecliptic

The phases of the fixed stars are neither dependent upon the form of the constellations themselves nor that the Sun pass through constellations (i.e. the stars don’t need to be on the ecliptic). However, they were used to divide the annual year of the Sun’s path and sometimes also the sky. As we’ll see, the Babylonians divided up the stars into 3 paths based on declination. Declination relates to the phases of the stars and the solar cycle (shape of the ecliptic). The phases of the fixed stars do not represent a type of zodiac, but their relationship with the solar year and thus the shape of the ecliptic, cause them to associate readily with the tropical year and its calendar.

Coordinates of Space

The two other types of zodiacs consist of signs rather than constellations. Signs are divisions of the belt of the ecliptic (the road of the Sun, Moon and planets) into regular segments (typically 12). These sign-based zodiacs double as coordinate systems with which one can specify the precise position of a planet with respect to the 360-degree ecliptic. For instance, a planet may be positioned in a specific one of twelve 30 degree segments or signs.

Sidereal and Tropical

There are two main different types of zodiacal coordinate systems, sidereal and tropical. A sidereal zodiac is defined with respect to a reference star. For instance, one could measure the distance between the Moon and the bright star Spica. A tropical zodiac is defined with respect to the celestial equator, and thus the solar year on Earth. The intersection of the ecliptic (solar path) with the equator (earth path) at the equinoctial points is the reference. For instance, we can measure the distance between the Moon and the point of the equinox where the ecliptic crosses the equator into the northern hemisphere (northern hemisphere’s Vernal Equinox).

It is important to note that there are many sidereal zodiacs, as different reference stars can be used. Still, all sidereal zodiacs are fixed relative to a reference star. Similarly, a tropical zodiac is not dependent on the exact starting point but that the starting point is fixed with respect to the celestial equator (i.e. point of equinox). For instance, as I noted in the article on the tropical zodiac, Geminos (1st century BCE) believed (wrongly) that the Babylonian zodiac was tropical, differing from the Greek zodiac only in that it started 8 degrees prior to the Vernal Equinox rather than at the Vernal Equinox.

Lunar and Solar Zodiacs

Interestingly, the sidereal zodiac is intimately related to the old observations of the Moon relative to the images of the constellations (observational omens). By contrast, the tropical zodiac is intimately related to the old observations of the phases of the fixed stars relative to the Sun and the calendar omen tradition (sign posts of the solar calendar).

As noted, the sidereal zodiac uses the stars as a reference. Stars were used as a reference system for tracking the Moon’s motion in the heavens, as she and the stars are most apparent by night.

The tropical zodiac is defined by the Sun, as the Sun’s apparent motion throughout the year defines the shape of the ecliptic. The cardinal points of the Sun cycle define the tropical zodiac and the agricultural/seasonal calendar year with its variation in the length of day and night.

In this way, there are real historical and natural links of the Moon to the sidereal zodiac and the Sun to the tropical one.

Precession

The concept of a zodiac with twelve equal signs emerged in the 5th century BCE before people knew that the sidereal and tropical points of reference could shift relative to each other. The Babylonian zodiac was a synthesis of an idealized calendar of 360 days with the (condensed) constellations. People were not aware that there could be a difference between a tropical and sidereal point of reference until a few centuries later, and even then only a small group of Greek astronomers were aware of the difference.

In the 2nd century BCE, the Greek astronomer Hipparchus discovered that the stars and the equinoctial points slowly shift with respect to each other, called precession. Unfortunately, his work on precession was not widely known until some time after Ptolemy popularized it in the 2nd century CE. For this reason, early astrological texts are often confusing when it comes to the tropical vs. sidereal issue.

Early Zodiac Riddles

Early astrologers, unaware of a difference between the two types of zodiac, often made statements implying use of one or the other at different points in the same texts. We see this in Babylonian astrology as well as in early horoscopic astrology (Hellenistic astrology).

For instance, Marcus Manilius (1st century CE) and Vettius Valens (2nd century CE) both used rising time schemes that entail zodiacal symmetry about the equinox. Such symmetry implies a tropical zodiac starting at the equinox. However, the zodiacal planetary longitudes in Valens’s text were clearly based on sidereal periods. In a prior article, I’ve shown that some of the signs Valens gave for planets in his own chart are actually different in the tropical zodiac.

Valens also evidently believed the equinox was at 8 degrees Aries of his zodiac. However, this was at a time when the common sidereal and tropical zodiacs almost exactly coincided. The zodiacal longitudes he used imply that the equinox would have been at about 1-2 Aries of his zodiac, many degrees off from the 8 degrees Aries position where he believed it was fixed.

Convenience and Ignorance

Examples like those in Valens clearly demonstrate a lack of knowledge of precession even in the 2nd century CE. In the absence of knowledge of precession, early astrologers believed the zodiac to be both tropically and sidereally fixed. This is true whether they placed the equinox at 0 Aries like the Greek astronomers or 8 Aries like the Babylonian ones. They relied on the tables available to them, which were by and large of the Babylonian tradition and sidereally based.

For these reasons, it is easy to see why such astrologers could use some figures, such as rising times, that imply a tropical zodiac. Also, they can make statements implying that the equinox is fixed somewhere in the zodiac that it hadn’t been for hundreds of years. Without knowledge of precession, there is no reason that they should’ve expected these statements to be puzzling to future readers. They were simply repeating inherited knowledge and using the available tables of the astronomers.

Conscious Choices?

Early zodiacal longitudes were clearly based on sidereal periods of the planets. Additionally, the oldest zodiacs are constellational ones, consisting of groupings of stars, such as the constellations in the Path of the Moon of the Babylonians. These facts bolster the view that the constellational sidereal zodiac is “the original zodiac”. However, a constellational zodiac differs in significant ways from a regularized sidereal zodiac. In a constellational zodiac, it is the specific stars and constellations that confer meaning, not segments and degrees.

The original use of constellations as an imagistic observational zodiac, and the use of specific stars as longitudinal reference points, is well-founded. However, the view that the stars were the motivating force behind the regular 12 sign zodiac is faulty. Additionally, the distinction between the positions of stars and the positions of days in the tropical year was a blurry one in the Babylonian tradition.

Calendrical Regularization

As we’ll see the 12 sign zodiac was largely motivated by an idealized 12 month calendar correlated with the tropical solar year. The 12 month calendar was a proto-zodiac for the Babylonians. It was associated with the seasonal year, declination of the Sun, and variation in day length (tropical elements).

The Babylonian zodiac was a fusion of the constellational zodiac of unequal constellations with the idealized regular 12 month solar calendar of equal months by a culture ignorant of precession. The advent of the regularized zodiac occurred in the context of a move away from observational astral sciences toward mathematical ones.

Awareness of Precession

The first astronomers to become aware of precession made the conscious choice to use a tropical orientation. The Greek tropical zodiac distinguishes itself as the first regularized 12 sign zodiac to be consciously distinguished as tropical or sidereal. The Greek zodiac used the equinoxes and solstices as reference points from the start, in the late 5th century BCE. Then beginning with Hipparchus in the 2nd century BCE we see the first conscious distinction between tropical and sidereal, with the choice of tropical. This matter is further discussed in the article on the age of the tropical zodiac.

The tropical zodiac is also the first zodiac to be consciously distinguished as tropical or sidereal by astrologers, beginning at least by the time of Ptolemy (2nd century CE). We currently lack evidence that prior to Hipparchus and Ptolemy there were any astronomers or astrologers aware of precession and choosing a sidereal orientation for a regularized zodiac. Therefore, the unconscious sidereal fixity of the Babylonian zodiac which started in the 5th century BCE should be contrasted with the conscious tropical fixity of the zodiac of the Greek astronomers later in that same century.

Part I: Fertile Lands, Fertile Skies

Much has been written about the close relationship between agriculture and the rise of cities. Most notable is Jared Diamond’s “Guns, Germs, and Steel” (originally published in 1997). Diamond showed how the ready availability of high-quality domesticable plants and animals and an east-west orientation (facilitating their transfer across similar latitudes), gave Eurasia (inclusive of northern Africa) a distinct head start in terms of technological development and lethal germ intimacy. That head start in turn led to their societies becoming dominant forces in much of the rest of the world.

As we’ll see the importance of calendrics for astrological societies encouraged close observation of the phases of the fixed stars. Therefore, the rise of mathematical astronomy in the land with the best potentially domesticable plants and animals (Mesopotamia) is no coincidence. By way of the phases of the fixed stars, the tropical year and the stars became intimately bound up together in the origin of mathematical astronomy.

The Agricultural Revolution

The agricultural revolution drastically transformed the human way of life. However, it was not a worldwide revolution that happened all at once. It occurred in different places at different times. Much of the world was without intensive agriculture until modern times and some areas still lack it. It also didn’t occur until roughly 7 million years after the appearance of the first hominids. Therefore, it is a rather recent development in human history. Humans are by no means farming animals by instinct.

“For most of the time since the ancestors of modern humans diverged from the ancestors of the living great apes, around 7 million years ago, all humans on Earth fed themselves exclusively by hunting wild animals and gathering wild plants, as the Blackfeet still did in the 19th century. It was only within the last 11,000 years that some peoples turned to what is termed food production: that is, domesticating wild animals and plants and eating the resulting livestock and crops.” (Diamond, 1997, p. 86)

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Agriculture and Specialization

Agriculturaly-based societies have a strong need for cooperation, specialization, hierarchy, accounting, and calendrics. In terms of social organization, hierarchy, based on a parent-child dynamic, and specialization, ensure that tasks get accomplished in a cooperative fashion by those who know best how to perform them. Accounting is important for making sure that workers are compensated and that goods are effectively distributed. Calendrics become important for coordinating the timing of annual activities and for logging work days and annual requirements of the state.

The surpluses of agriculture enabled the peoples of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and China to put division of labor to work for them. The surpluses of these early agricultural societies enabled the growth of specialization. Some of the forms of specialization most frequently highlighted by scholars include the scribe/record-keeper and the king/bureaucrat. It is hard to imagine how a society with a large population could possibly function without some means of record-keeping (writing) and political rule. A more easily overlooked specialization is that of the stargazing astrologer-astronomers. After all, today, we can quite readily accept that the functioning of society is not in any way dependent upon astrologers.

Fields of Stars

It is intriguing that most of the handful of early literate agricultural societies from Mesopotamia to the Mesoamerica, developed their own forms of astrological theory. While plant and animal domestication began in Mesopotamia about 11,000 years ago, it didn’t begin in Mesoamerica until at least 5,000 years later at the earliest (see Diamond, 1997, Ch. 8). Writing came later in both areas, and astrology even later.

It is telling that they both independently developed complex forms of astrology. They did so despite quite different cultures, starting points, and sets of domesticable plants and animals. Similar situations hold for the other early agricultural civilizations of Eurasia, such as Egypt and China. Why is it that early agriculturally-based societies with a means of record-keeping should turn their attention to closely tracking and recording the movements of the stars?

The Fertile Crescent

The earliest and most thoroughly studied of the ancient agricultural societies is Mesopotamia. Mesopotamia means the land between rivers, as it lies between the Tigris and Euphrates. It is appropriately nicknamed the Fertile Crescent. This area was not only the site of the first intensive agriculture and elaborate city complexes, but also the first writing and written astrology.

Multiple competing agricultural societies arose in the area. The most notable two groups were the Sumerians and the Akkadians of the southern half of the region. They were groups of people with distinct histories speaking distinct languages.

Why Mesopotamia?

Why was Mesopotamia the initial crux of the agricultural revolution? It is not that the area was simply more suitable for farming than other areas. California is very suitable for farming and has been occupied for 13,000 to 15,000 years. However, extensive agriculture did not arise in California until modern times. The answer pertains to the quantity of high quality domesticable plants and animals which are native to a region, particularly high-yield cereal grasses.

“Indeed, [the] worldwide survey of locally available large-seeded wild grasses […], and the worldwide survey of locally available big mammals […], agree in showing that all those areas of nonexistent or limited indigenous food production were deficient in wild ancestors of domesticable livestock and cereals.” (Diamond, 1997, p. 153)

Incentive

For a detailed discussion of this topic, please see Diamond’s book, especially the chapter “Apples or Indians”. Diamond explains how the agricultural lifestyle is in competition with the hunter-gatherer lifestyle. Without significant incentive from very productive wild ancestors of domesticable crops and animals, experiments in domestication by hunter-gatherers occur very slowly or not at all. He details the immense domesticable plant and animal resources the people of Mesopotamia had at their disposal.

“Thanks to this availability of suitable wild mammals and plants, early peoples of the Fertile Crescent could quickly assemble a potent and balanced biological package for intensive food production. That package comprised three cereals, as the main carbohydrate sources; four pulses, with 20-25 percent protein, and four domestic animals, as the main protein sources, supplemented by the generous protein content of wheat; and flax as a source of fiber and oil […]. Eventually, thousands of years after the beginnings of animal domestication and food production, the animals also began to be used for milk, wool, plowing, and transport. Thus, the crops and animals of the Fertile Crescent’s first farmers came to meet humanity’s basic economic needs: carbohydrate, protein, fat, clothing, traction, and transport.” (Diamond, 1997, p. 142)

The Birth of Writing

Writing was originally an invention of the Sumerians in the late 4th millennium BCE. The Sumerians (in what is now southern Iraq) spoke a language which has no known relatives (it is an isolate). Their written language was initially logographic (one symbol per word) created by impressing a triangular or wedge-shaped (cuneiform) stylus into clay. The pictograms of this written system were used mainly for accounting purposes.

In the 3rd millennium BCE, this logographic script developed into a syllabic one (largely by means of the rebus principle). At that point the written language became much more robust, literacy became widespread in the region, and texts became richer. The Sumerian script was adopted by neighboring societies of Mesopotamia to write their languages as well, most notably Akkadian.

The rebus principle in action. Icons for concrete items like eyes and bees can be used to signify component sounds in the names of abstract concepts, such as the brand IBM.

Akkad to Babylon

Just north of Sumer was Akkad, home to the Akkadians, speakers of a Semitic language. Some of the more famous Semitic languages are Arabic, Hebrew, and Ancient Phoenician. Semitic is a subfamily of Afro-Asiatic which includes Ancient Egyptian and many languages of northern Africa and the Middle East. Akkadian would in time become a lingua-franca for the entire Near East.

In the 3rd millennium BCE, the Akkadians and Sumerians underwent extensive cultural contact to the point of widespread bilingualism. Akkadian eventually overtook Sumerian as the dominant language of the region by the 2nd millenium BCE. However, Akkadian retained much borrowed Sumerian in the language. The Akkadian ruler Sargon also briefly united Mesopotamia under one empire in 2334 (fell in 2154 BCE). Not long after its fall, there arose another brief empire of Sumerian speakers (Ur III; 2112-2004 BCE). That empire (Ur III) is particularly well-documented due to the survival of thousands of clay tablets with accounting records from the period.

Eventually two major Akkadian-speaking nations arose in Mesopotamia, Assyria in the north and Babylonia in the south. Some notable cities of Babylonia are its old Sumerian centers of Ur and Uruk. A small provincial town called Babylon was expanded under Hammurabi (18th century BCE) to eventually become the largest city in the world. It was around this same period (2nd millennium BCE) that we find our first evidence of an integrated theory of celestial divination, astrology.

Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia c.1450 BCE

What is Babylonian Astrology?

Later we will look at the nature of Babylonian astrology, but for now let’s consider what is meant when we speak of this tradition in regional and political terms. What is typically referred to as Babylonian astrology is the tradition that began most clearly in the 2nd millennium BCE in Babylonia. It continued in the region (mainly Babylonia and Assyria) up until about the 1st century CE.

A Few Notable Changes of the Guard

It is important to note though that this regional astrological tradition was not always practiced under Babylonian political rule. The astrology was one of Mesopotamia, but primarily in Babylonia and neighboring Assyria. The most important surviving tablets are from about the 8th century BCE onward. Those tablets are believed to reflect a tradition going back at least to the mid 2nd millennium BCE.

From 911-619 BCE, Babylonia actually came under Assyrian rule (Neo-Assyrian Empire). Next it came back under Babylonian rule (Neo-Babylonian Empire; 626-539 BCE). Following that it was under the ruler of speakers of an Indo-European language, the Persians (Achaemenid Empire; ~539-333 BCE). The collapse of the Achaemenid Emire occurred as a result of Alexander the Great’s conquest in 333 BCE. It was then part of the Greek Seleucid Empire (~333-150 BCE). After that, it belonged to the Parthian Empire, also known as the Arsacid Empire (~150 BCE to 226 CE).

Indo-European Languages in the Region

Interestingly, the Persians, Greeks, and Parthians were all speakers of Indo-European languages. Persian and Parthian are much more closely related though as members of the same Iranian subgroup (written with Pahlavi).

Despite varying rule during the last half of the first millennium and beyond, the region remained a predominantly Persian area from the Persian conquest up until the Arab Muslim conquest of the 7th century CE. Also, despite being ruled by speakers of Indo-European languages in the latter period, important texts of the region continued to be written in cuneiform (in Sumerian-laden Akkadian) until about the 1st century CE.

Regional Trade

Trade across the Middle East and the Mediterranean thrived at varying points in Mesopotamian history. Societies were by no means isolated. At different points in time goods and ideas freely flowed between Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, and beyond.

I note that because this article will focus on Babylonian developments, but we cannot be sure all such developments occurred in a vacuum. The Babylonian zodiac was clearly exported to Greece within the century it first appears in cuneiform texts. The first horoscopic astrology (i.e. Hellenistic astrology) itself arose out of a synthetic mix of natively Babylonian, Egyptian, and Greek elements.

Significant Developments

The other important thing to note is that the astrology of the region underwent significant changes, particularly during the period of Persian rule (6th to 4th century BCE). The advent of the zodiac and the birth of a new more sophisticated mathematical astronomy in the region arose during those centuries when it was part of the Persian Achaemenid Empire. Additionally, the region was part of the Hellenistic world soon after these developments, during the time when it was in the Greek Seleucid Empire (~330-150 BCE) .

Unfortunately, even scholars sometimes too loosely lump together Babylonian astrology of say the 8th century BCE with that of the 3rd century BCE. The old cuneiform tradition did survive right on through to the 1st century CE. However, as noted, it underwent extensive change and development in the middle of the 1st millennium, especially in the 5th and 4th centuries BCE.

The developments included the introduction of the 12 sign zodiac, the ability to calculate planetary longitudes (ephemerides), a more abstract mathematical orientation, and the advent of personal horoscopy (individual birth charts). For this reason, it is important to distinguish early Babylonian astrology from late Babylonian astrology. We want to avoid projecting late developments backward in time as features that existed since the beginning of the tradition – an all too common mistake.

Early and Late Babylonian Astrology

Early Babylonian astrology can roughly be equated with the astrology of the regions of Babylonia and Assyria prior to the Persian conquest in the mid-6th century BCE. Late Babylonian astrology can be roughly equated with the astrology of the same regions from soon after the Persian conquest until about the 1st century CE. However, note that scholars often distinguish Late Babylonian astrology as starting about a century earlier (about 750 BCE), around the time of the MUL.APIN.

Early Babylonian astrology was not static. The most important work of Early Babylonian astrology, the MUL.APIN may represent a stepping stone from Early to Late Babylonian astrology. It continues the tradition of the late 2nd millennium BCE but with a couple changes and with a strong influence upon the later more mathematical tradition. Also, the reign of Nabonassar (747-734 BCE) saw an emphasis on keeping systematic astronomical diaries, which in turn enabled the discovery of sidereal periods for planetary phenomena. Later, we will be examining how an innovation of Late Babylonian Astrology, the 12 sign zodiac, was shaped by a notable feature of Early Babylonian Astrology, the 360 day calendar.

Nisaba: Goddess of Grain and the Scribal Arts

“… if any deity in the third millennium deserves credit for being interested in the stars it would be Nisaba.” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p.32)

Celestial omens started appearing in Mesopotamia near the end of the 3rd millennium BCE. I have noted how agriculture made cities, writing, and astrological record-keeping possible in the region. The Sumerian goddess Nisaba is of interest as her associations included agriculture, writing, the stars, and the calendar.

“The overall impression given by the Sumerian sources is that Nisaba was mainly concerned with the management of agriculture and the timing of activities that were dependent on the yearly seasons. The knowledge of astronomy (not astrology!) attributed to her was used to correct the vagaries of the lunar calendar.” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p. 33)

The Sumerian goddess Nisaba (goddess of writing) is depicted on this fragment of a chlorite vase. The name of Entemena, ruler of Lagash, is mentioned in the cuneiform text. c. 2430 BC. From Southern Mesopotamia, Iraq. The Pergamon Museum, Berlin, Germany.

Nisaba’s Tablet

How did Nisaba correct the vagaries of the lunar calendar?  It appears that she did so with the use of her tablet that had the stars of the heavens.

“She is said to measure heaven and earth, to know the secrets of calculation and, together with Suen, to “count the days”. She was associated in some way with the stars already in the Fara period. Her temple in Ereš was called the é-mul-mul, “House of the Stars”. Among many other tablets she had a lapis-lazuli tablet which is sometimes called the dub mul-an, “tablet with the stars of the heavens”, or dub mul-an-kù, “tablet with the stars of the pure heavens”.” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p. 32)

Nisaba was also worshiped by the Akkadians. The Akkadians and Sumerians added each other’s gods to their pantheons. Borrowing gods is commonplace among polytheistic cultures, including even in classical Roman times prior to the rise of Christianity.

Interestingly, we see Nisaba, her tablet, and a bright star associated with an Akkadian temple election in the 3rd millennium BCE. What is interesting is that the temple election text suggests the astrological use of the phases of the fixed stars as early as the 3rd milllennium BCE.

“In Gudea Cyl. A v 23 — vi 2 she is said to consult the tablet in order to tell Gudea with a bright star to begin the construction of Ningirsu’s temple.” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p. 33)

What, if any, is the connection between agriculture, accounting, issues with the lunar calendar, and tablets with records of stars?

Astro-Meteorology

Classics scholar, Daryn Lehoux, also touched on the riddle of Nisaba in his fascinating 2007 book, “Astronomy, Weather, and Calendars in the Ancient World: Parapegmata and Related Texts in Classical and Near Eastern Societies“. His work focuses on how “classical astronomy and astrology originate in techniques for weather prediction” (Lehoux, 2007, p. 26).

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Lehoux’s work fills a void as historians of science have tended to focus on the advent of sophisticated mathematical models of planetary motion as the start of their histories of astronomy. However, astrometeorology is an older tradition, still practiced to the present day (see your farmer’s almanac), and of more fundamental importance for agricultural societies.

“Since their calendars were at best of limited usefulness for the timing of seasonal activities, Greeks, Romans, Mesopotamians, and Egyptians all turned to the observation of the fixed stars in order to determine the best times for planting, harvesting, pruning, sailing, and more. This is because what are called the phases of the fixed stars are very closely tied to the agricultural season, and so are good indicators of when those seasons begin and end.” (Lehoux, 2007, p. 8)

Recalling the Greek Parapegmata

In my article on the origins of the tropical zodiac, I noted the importance of Greek and Roman astrometeorological texts from at least the time of Hesiod’s Works and Days.  The Greek Hesiod’s Works and Days (8th century BCE) and the Roman Virgil’s Georgics (1st century BCE) represent two famous early literary examples from those classical cultures.

“When the Pleiades, daughters of Atlas, are rising [in early May], begin your harvest, and your ploughing when they are going to set [in November]. Forty nights and days they are hidden and appear again as the year moves round, when first you sharpen your sickle.” (Hesiod, Works and Days, #383, Evelyn-White trans., 1914, p. 31)

“What makes the cornfield smile; beneath what star
Maecenas, it is meet to turn the sod
Or marry elm with vine”
(Virgil’s first lines of his Georgics, Rhoades trans., 1891, p. 3)

Fixed Stars in a Tropical Tradition

Many of the Hellenistic astronomers and astrologers played significant roles in the astrometeorological tradition. The parapegmata of the Greek geometric astronomers reveal a desire to fix the zodiac to the equinox from the time that the zodiac arrived in Greece. Still, the Greeks used the stars as the sign posts of the tropical year.

Geminos (1st century BCE) asserted that the tropical zodiac was the Greek way yet still presented a parapegma based on the phases of the fixed stars.  Ptolemy wrote his own literary parapegma on the Phases of the Fixed Stars despite being a conscious and explicit tropicalist with knowledge of precession. The Greco-Roman astrometeorological texts reveal that a desire to define the year and zodiac tropically was not incompatible with the use of the phases of the fixed stars as annual signposts. For more on this matter see the article on the origin of the tropical zodiac.

Phases of the Fixed Stars

As an aside let me briefly clarify what is meant by the phases of the fixed stars.

Heliacal Rising and Setting

A heliacal rising is an annual event. It occurs when a star first becomes visible in the east just before sunrise, after a period of being invisible (obscured by the Sun’s beams). The heliacal setting of a star is another annual event, which is the star’s last appearance in the west just after sunset, before it disappears behind the Sun’s beams. The time from heliacal setting to heliacal rising is about 30 days for stars near the ecliptic.

Achronycal Rising and Cosmical Setting

Acronychal rising (or evening rising) is when a star rises just after the Sun sets. It follows morning or heliacal rising in the sequence. It is followed by cosmical setting (morning setting) which is when it sets on the western horizon just before the Sun rises. Therefore the cycle is heliacal setting (evening setting), then heliacal rising (morning rising), then acronychal rising (evening rising), then cosmical setting (morning setting), then repeat. These are the most important phases of the fixed stars.

True Phases

Note that these heliacal phases are the apparent ones. There are also “true” heliacal phases which arose later and require calculation. True heliacal rising is when a star rises with the Sun exactly, which must be calculated. It can be difficult to tell whether a true or apparent rising is indicated in some later classical texts.

Intercalation

Lehoux notes that the stories of Nisaba indicate the use of astronomy to regulate the agricultural year. He also notes that some scholars have argued that the heliacal risings of fixed stars were used to regulate the calendar from a very early period.

The regular Babylonian civil calendar was a lunisolar one of 12 months. Each month was from first lunar visibility to next first visibility. The months alternated between 29 and 30 days in length, making for a year of 354 days, about 11 days short of the true solar year. It would require intercalation (insertion of an extra month) at regular periods to put it back in step with the seasons. The phases of the fixed stars could be used relative to the calendar to judge when intercalation was necessary.

However, there are some riddles pertaining to the early tablets listing the rising of the fixed stars. Often the early astrolabe texts, as they are called, seem to present a mythological ordering of the rising of fixed stars that is impossible in reality and could not have been used to correct the calendar. Therefore, the evidence for using the phases of the fixed stars to correct the calendar (determine when to intercalate a month) in the late 3rd and much of the 2nd millennium is not very robust. There is more evidence of intercalating the lunisolar calendar (of ~354 days) every three years, and sometimes even of neglecting to properly intercalate.

Mesopotamian Parapegmata?

Unfortunately, the Mesopotamians had no parapegmata in which the days of the year were all listed together with their corresponding significant annual astro-meteorological events. They did have a separate astrometeorological tradition though. Material similar to the classical astrometeorology of the Greek and Romans is seen in the most important text of early Babylonian Astrology, the MUL.APIN.

“Most similar to the classical parapegmata is a text called MUL.APIN, which has a list of schematic heliacal rising dates, and some seasonal meteorological predictions. It is certainly not a paragema, however, and the similarities between it and classical parapegmata are not close enough to warrant a claim of Mesopotamian influence. Nevertheless, MUL.APIN and other Mesopotamian texts do show that problems with timing annual climactic cycles were sometimes handled in analogous ways in Mesopotamia, Greece, and Rome, and this in itself is interesting as it points to similar sets of solutions to similar kinds of problems being found independently in these different cultures.” (Lehoux, 2007, p. 101)

Beyond Nisaba’s Time

The way in which Nisaba’s star tablet was used to correct the vagaries of the calendar way back in the 3rd millennium BCE is still shrouded in mystery. The use of a tablet of star information to help correct the lunar calendar with respect to the solar year and aid the administration and accounting of an agricultural empire logically evokes the use of paragegmata in classical Greek and Roman society. However, the early Babylonian astro-meteorological tradition is rather messy and full of mysteries.

On the other hand, the associations between agriculture, writing, the stars, and the calendar are not mysterious. Their strong relationship becomes much more apparent in the influential texts of the late 2nd and early 1st millennium. When one looks at the administrative calendar and its role in early texts, these connections become clear. By the time of the MUL.APIN, the phases of the stars definitely did play a role in adjusting the lunar calendar with respect to the solar year.

“The Mesopotamians also used the phases of the fixed stars as indicators of weather patterns, and stellar phases played an important role in the so-called Uruk scheme, which regularized their lunar calendar with respect to the solar year.” (Lehoux, 2007, p. 10)

Part II: Babylonian Stars

So far, we’ve seen that the distinction between tropical and sidereal was blurred for ancient agricultural societies. The phases of the fixed stars acted as relatively reliable sign posts of the tropical solar year. Even among tropicalists like Ptolemy, who were fully aware of precession, correlating the year to the phases of the fixed stars was viewed as valuable.

We saw that for the Mesopotamians there was a similar astrometeorological tradition of correlating the phases of the fixed stars to important points in the seasonal (tropical) year.

The MUL.APIN

The MUL.APIN is a very important source for the use of the fixed stars in early Babylonian astrology.  Through the MUL.APIN we gain much greater clarity as to the strong Babylonian relationship between the fixed stars and the tropical year.

Name

It is interesting in the context of our discussion of the relationship between agriculture and astronomy that the name MUL.APIN is itself a compound of MUL and APIN, the Sumerian words for “star” and “plough” respectively. The plough star is the first star mentioned in the work, identified with Enlil, and leading the stars in the path of Enlil.

Enlil was the chief deity of the Sumerians. Enlil is the god of wind, air, earth, and storms, but is also the patron of agriculture. One of the main symbols for his son, Ninurta, is the plough.

The plough star is actually a constellation that resembles a plough. The constellation is composed of our modern Triangulum, presumably the pough’s body, plus Gamma Andromedae, presumably its handle. The path which it leads, that of Enlil, is composed of the stars of northern declination, such that the Sun is in the path for the quarter of the year that is divided by the Summer Solstice.

The Sun’s journey through the path of Enlil is from approximately 45 days before the solstice until 45 days after it – the peak of the year. The Plough’s heliacal rising was much earlier in the year, in February, and marked the time to begin spring ploughing.

Dating

The oldest tablet fragments of the MUL.APIN date to the late 8th or early 7th century BCE. However, the composition for the original text has been assumed to be about 1,000 BCE or earlier. Additionally, work on dating the text according to the star lists in the work favors the view that it is based on observations that took place around 1,300 BCE, give or take 150 years (see De Jong, 2007).

Definitive Edition

A definitive new edition and translation of the MUL.APIN, with extensive commentary was published in 2018 by Hermann Hunger and John Steele. Their edition is highly recommended. As they say in their introduction, the MUL.APIN is arguably the most important work of Babylonian astronomy. It compiled a long-standing tradition and strongly influenced later developments.

“The text known as the MUL.APIN was the most widely copied work in the astral sciences written in ancient Mesopotamia. It was composed sometime before the end of the eighth century BC, and copies of it have been found at many sites throughout Assyria and Babylonia, dating from the late Neo-Assyrian (eighth to seventh century BC) down to the Seleucid (third to first century BC) periods. In addition to being widely copied, MUL.APIN was clearly read and used by scholars throughout these periods: it is one of only a few works of astral science identified by name in other cuneiform texts and provided the foundation for many later texts of what we term ‘schematic astronomy’. It is no exaggeration to say, therefore, that MUL.APIN was the most important work of Babylonian astronomy.” (Hunger and Steele, 2018, p. 1)

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Elements of Early Babylonian Astral Science

In their introduction, Hunger and Steele identify some of the significant feature of early Babylonian astronomy and astrology (astral science).

“…it is possible to identify several themes within early Babylonian astral science: the use of simple numerical schemes to model the variation of the length of day and night; the grouping of stars into three ‘paths’ associated with the gods Enlil, Anu, and Ea; the development of collections of celestial omens; and the use of the 360-day schematic calendar.” (Hunger and Steele, 2018, p.11)

The collections of celestial omens tend to be the focus of most treatments of Mesopotamian astrology. However, the models for the length of day, the groupings of the three paths of the stars, and the use of the 360-day schematic calendar also relate to the omens. Furthermore, these are the elements of Babylonian astrology that most strongly reveal the Babylonian preoccupation with the tropical year. For now, let’s take a look at the three paths of the stars, as well as some other special Babylonian collections of stars. Later, we’ll take a much closer look at the schematic calendar.

Three Paths of Stars

The MUL.APIN starts with a catalog of the stars (most of which are actually constellations) which will be used in the rest of the text, arranged into three lists. The stars/constellations in those three lists represent the full repertoire of stars of the text. The grouping of the stars into the three lists pertains to the paths of the gods Enlil, Anu, and Ea and is a very traditional Babylonian grouping.

“The grouping of stars into three categories, those of Enlil, Anu, and Ea, follows a tradition that can be traced back to at least the middle of the second millennium. A Middle Babylonian prayer to the gods of the night from Boghazkoi … contains a list of stars in order of their first appearances, followed by a reference to the stars of Ea, Anu, and Enlil.” (Hunger and Steele, 2018, p. 170-171)

The Sun’s Journey Across the Paths

As noted in the above quote, the phases of the stars (order of appearance) was related to the three paths since at least the middle of the second millennium. Additionally, by the time of the MUL.APIN, the Sun’s motion over the course of the year was also correlated with the three paths.

“The three groups of stars, those of Enlil, Anu, and Ea, can be associated with the three ‘paths’ (harranu) of Enlil, Anu, and Ea mentioned elsewhere in MUL.APIN (II Gap A 1 – II Gap A 7, which describes the Sun’s motion among the three paths over the course of the year …). The three paths also occur in celestial omens and occasionally in accounts of observations.” (Hunger and Steele, 2018, p. 171)

Declination

The path of the Sun over the course of the year (i.e. shape of the ecliptic) naturally corresponds to the paths of the stars due to the fact that three paths are based on declination. Declination pertains to the distance of an object north or south of the equator.

The Sun’s tropical cycle (i.e. shape of the ecliptic) is also a function of its distance north or south of the equator. Where the Sun (and hence ecliptic) crosses the equator is an equinox, while where the Sun (and hence ecliptic) reaches its greatest declination is a solstice. Therefore, a division of the stars based on bands of declination readily correlates with the Sun’s annual tropical cycle.

The tropical cycle defines the ecliptic with respect to the celestial equator while the sidereal cycle disregards the celestial equator. A division based on declination is a division which emphasizes the primacy of the celestial equator.

“The stars in the three paths fall roughly into three regions of declination: the Enlil stars to the north of about +17° declination, the Anu stars to between +17° and -17° declination, and the Ea stars to the south of about -17° declination.” (Hunger and Steele, 2018, p. 171)

 

Celestial Sphere with Ecliptic in Red

Paths and the Calendar

The MUL.APIN correlates a 360 day calendar (more on this in the next part) with the Sun’s motion across the three paths over the course of the year. The text also explicitly correlates the calendar with the length of day and night over the course of the year and the positions of the equinoxes and solstices. Therefore, the fixed stars, categorized by relative distance from the equator, are correlated with a calendar that takes into account the length of day, the equinox/solstice points, and solar declination. This illustrates the strong relationship between the stars and tropical solar year in early Babylonian astrology.

“The Babylonians divided the fixed stars into three groups: the stars of Anu, Enlil and Ea.’ To which group they belonged depended, for most of them, on where they rose on the Eastern horizon. The horizon was divided into the Paths of Anu, Enlil and Ea. The Path of Ea lies to the north, Anu is in the middle, and Enlil lies to the south. The boundaries between the Paths may be gleaned from the ideal calendar of Mul.apin II (Hunger and Pingree, Mul.apin p. 88 f), according to which the sun stands in:
— the Path of Anu from the 1st of Addaru (XII) to the 30th of Ajjaru
(II) (azimuth of the sun 290°-250°)
— the Path of Enlil from the 1st of Simanu (III) until the 30th of Abu
(V) (azimuth of the sun 250°-240°-250°)
— the Path of Anu from the 1st of Ululu (VI) to the 30th of Arahsamnu
(VIII) (azimuth of the sun 250°-290°)
— the Path of Ea from the 1st of Kislimu (IX) to the 30th of Sabatu (XI)
(azimuth of the sun 290°-300°-290°).” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p. 24)

The calendar is explored in more detail in the next part of this article.

Correlating Phases with Day Length Schemes

One notable and particularly striking feature of lists of approximate phases of fixed stars in the MUL.APIN is the inclusion of day and night lengths at the time that the phases occur. I provide an example below.

“On the 15th day of Month IV, the Arrow, the Snake, and the Lion become visible; 4 minas is the watch of the day, 2 minas is the watch of the night.” (MUL.APIN, I ii 42-43, Hunger and Steele trans., 2018, p. 137)

Note that passages like this correlate the phases of the fixed stars with the ideal 360 day calendar and the length of day at that point in the year. All of these things are approximate in the MUL.APIN. As noted, the MUL.APIN is not a parapegma. It expresses the phases of the stars in 5 day intervals of the idealized calendar, and it uses a rough scheme for figuring the length of day. A ‘mina’ is a weight measure, as the Babyonians are referring to the amount of water used by a water clock over the course of a day or night.

Equinox on an Idealized Full Moon

In the schematic calendar, one ideal is for the Full Moon to occur on the 15th of the month, as the Full Moon marks the 15th of each month in the normal civil Babylonian lunisolar calendar. For instance, the following passage expresses that the Full Moon on the 15th of the first month also marks the equinox, with the Moon in Libra, Sun in Aries, and day and night being equal.

“On the 15th day of Month I, the Moon stands in the evening within the Scales in the East, and the Sun in the West in front of the Stars behind the Hired Man. 3 minas is the watch of the day, 3 minas is the watch of the night.” (MUL.APIN, II i 19-21, Hunger and Steele trans., 2018, p. 145)

The Arrow and the Summer Solstice

Another list of stars from the first section of the MUL.APIN pertains to time intervals between two stars rising. It starts and ends with the star or constellation, the Arrow (Sirius, probably with some stars of Canis Major). In their commentary, Hunger and Steele note that the Arrow is used to start the list because its heliacal rising was correlated with the Summer Solstice.

“[…] the total number of days going around the circuit, from the Arrow to the Arrow again, is 360 days, as it should be in the schematic calendar. As discussed […], the Arrow’s first visibility is placed on the date of the summer solstice in the schematic calendar. This almost certainly explains why the list begins with the Arrow, rather than with the Hired Man, as in Section I ii 36 – I iii 12. The summer solstice, rather than the beginning of the year, was often taken as the beginning point of numerical schemes in other texts of schematic astronomy.” (Hunger and Steel,e 2018, p. 186)

Images and Markers

The 17-18 constellations in the Path of the Moon played a significant role in shaping the Babylonian zodiac. The influence is especially apparent in terms of the names of the signs and their imagistic associations. Aside from the use of the constellations in the Path of the Moon, certain bright stars (Normal Stars) in that path were used as markers for phenomena. Both the use of Normal Stars and the stars in the Path of the Moon are attested from at least the 8th century BCE.

Normal Stars

Observational positions of the Moon and planets were given by Babylonians with respect to the Normal Stars. The Normal Stars were 31 bright stars near the ecliptic. In Late Babylonian astrology such normal star positions could complement positions given from zodiacal ephemerides. However, Normal Star positions were often estimated, rather than measured, positions. Observations of planets relative to the Normal Stars are believed to have been used to establish the sidereal periods of planetary phenomena which made possible the ephemerides of Late Babylonian astrology.

The Diaries

To get some idea of the way that Normal Stars are used, please see some of the Babylonian “Diary” texts which recorded planetary positions at important points. The Diary texts are comprised of systematically recorded observations initiated during the reign of Nabonassar (747-734 BCE).

“The Diaries typically contain for each month: a statement of the length of the preceding month; the time interval between sunset and moonset on the first day of the month; time intervals between sun/moonrise/set in the middle of the month; the time interval between moonrise and sunrise on the morning of the moon’s last visibility; the dates on which the moon approached the various Normal Stars […] and the watch of the night which this occurred; and the date and description of lunar and solar eclipses. For the planets they record dates and position among the stars of first and last visibility, direct and retrograde motion and stationary points, and conjunctions with Normal Stars. The relation of the moon and planets to the Normal Stars is expressed in terms of ‘cubits’ (about 2.5°) or ‘fingers’ (about 5′) above (north), below (south), in front (west) and behind (east); but although the general sense of these statement is agreed, comparison with modern calculations suggests that the positions were often estimated rather than measured.” (Britton and Walker, Walker ed.,1997, p. 50)

Stars in the Path of the Moon

While Normal Stars were used for early positional reckoning in the sky, the constellations in the Path of the Moon were not. They make their first appearance around the same time and are noted in the MUL.APIN.

“The gods (var. stars) who stand in the path of the Moon, through whose region the Moon during a month passes repeatedly and keeps touching them: The Stars, the Bull of Heaven, the True Shepherd of Anu, the Old Man, the Crook, the Great Twins, the Crab, the Lion, the Furrow, the Scales, the Scorpion, Pabilsag, the Goat-Fish, the Great One, the Tails of the Swallow, Anunitu, and the Hired Man.” (MUL.APIN, I iv 31-37, Hunger and Steele trans., 2018, p. 143)

The MUL.APIN then continues to specify that the Sun, Jupiter, Venus, Mars, Mercury, and Saturn also travel that same path and that concludes the first part of the text.

Seventeen constellations appear to be mentioned, though the tails and the swallow are sometimes separated into two constellations (yielding eighteen) as the actual text is somewhat ambiguous. Hunger and Steele (2018) argue that evidence from the star lists of the MUL.APIN and from other uranology texts support the view that the Tails are part of the Swallow, rather than an eighteenth constellation.

The list begins with the “Stars” which is the Pleiades. They are first because the heliacal rising of the Pleiades was believed to roughly coincide with the start of the year. These stars in the Path of the Moon contain most of the later 12 zodiacal constellations, as well as pieces of the rest. For instance, the Pleiades and the Bull of Heaven combined to form the later final form of Taurus.

19 Zodiacal Constellations?

Various Uranology texts sometimes contained additional zodiacal constellations. There were at least 19 zodiacal constellations in total used by the Babylonians in their texts.

“Observational texts from the seventh century BC onwards include reports of the position of the moon and the planets relative to the zodiacal constellations or individual stars or small star groups within those constellations (e.g. the Front Star of the Head of the Hired Man). These texts add one further zodiacal constellation to the list of zodiacal constellations: the Chariot. Astrological texts from the same period attest to one further zodiacal constellation: the Field. Thus, at least nineteen zodiacal constellations were identified by the Babylonians (see also Ratzon, 2016).” (Steele, 2018, p. 98)

Naming Signs

When the regular zodiac arose in the 5th century BCE, one method of naming the signs pertained to constellations associated with the months those signs were correlated with. There are actually three means of naming the signs in early zodiacal texts. Either the month name was used, the number of the sign (starting with Aries as I), or the name of a constellation occurring in that sign.

As multiple constellations were initially associated with any given one sign, still over a hundred years after the advent of the regularized twelve sign zodiac, alternate names for signs based on constellations occurred. For instance, for some time, it was more common to refer to the sign Taurus as “the Stars” (Pleiades) rather than “the Bull” (Taurus).

“[…} the process of choosing which twelve constellations to use was not straight forward. Furthermore, it is clear that alternate names for some of the signs of the zodiac were still in use in the early third century BC, well over a hundred years after the zodiac was developed.” (Steele, 2018, p. 101-102)

Steele’s recent (2018) paper on the development of the zodiac explores the development of the constellation-based name for each sign in some depth, so I highly recommend it. This naming process provides the best evidence that the concept of the twelve signs actually preceded, rather than followed, the concept of twelve constellations spanning the ecliptic. Now, let’s turn to why we ended up with 12 signs in the first place.

Part III: From Calendar to Zodiac

The motivation for twelve signs comes from the Babylonian schematic calendar of 12 months of 30 days (360 days). It is the oldest attested calendar, originally used for accounting purposes. That calendar came to be the main calendar of Babylonian mathematical astronomy and astrology, associated with the phases of the fixed stars, tropical year phenomena, and certain types of omens. When constellations began to be correlated with months, a new system of measuring longitude arose based on the division of the ecliptic into twelve segments.

Emergence of the Zodiac

The twelve sign zodiac did not emerge until the 5th century BCE. It becomes most evident in the late 5th century BCE, with inklings of its use earlier in that century.

“The earliest direct evidence for the existence of the zodiac comes from fifth-century astronomical texts […] in which positions of the planets are cited with terminology used with respect to zodiacal signs as opposed to zodiacal constellations.” (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

“The phenomena computed in these texts can be dated with relative certainty to 475 B.C., although the writing of the tablets was certainly much later. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

Twelve from the Calendar

Scholars, since at least Isaac Newton’s time, have known that the division of the ecliptic into 12 signs and 360 degrees was due to the influence of the calendar.

“All nations, before the just length of the Solar year was known, reckoned months by the course of the moon, and years by the returns of winter and summer, spring and autumn and in making Calendars for their Festivals, they reckoned thirty days to a Lunar month, and twelve Lunar months to a year taking the nearest round numbers: whence came the division of the ecliptic into 360 degrees.” (Isaac Newton from “The Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms”, 1728, p. 71)

“It is generally agreed among historians of Babylonian astronomy that the concept of the zodiac as a uniform division of the band through which the sun, moon and planets move into twelve equal parts, each of which was further subdivided into 30° developed by analogy with the division of the schematic year into twelve months, each of which contains 30 days (Stephenson et al., 1995; Brack-Bernsen and Hunger, 1999; Brown, 2000; Steele, 2007; Britton, 2010).” (Steele, 2018, p. 100)

Aries and the Equinox

Additionally, the decision to start the zodiac with Aries was also based on the fact that the vernal equinox occurred in that corresponding constellation and pertained to the start of the Babylonian year.

“One can posit the following steps in the development of the zodiac, although it must be said that our knowledge of how the zodiac was first devised is provisional. The division of the schematic calendar into 12 months of 30 days each […] could be correlated with twelve constellations through which the sun was found to travel in one ideal “year” of twelve 30-day months. Because the spring equinox, which was always close to the beginning of the Babylonian year, was to occur in Nisannu (I.15 according to the tradition of MUL.APIN), then Nisannu, or month I, was when the sun was in the constellation Aries […]” (Rochberg, 2004, p. 129)

Multiple Constellations Per Sign

Leading up to the zodiac, there were constellations associated with months of the year.

“Progress towards the eventual system of zodiac signs is indicated by a Babylonian text of about the fifth century BC which lists the 12 months (ignoring the intercalary month) and their associated constellations, but assigns both Pleiades and Taurus to month II, both Orion and Gemini to month III and both Pegasus and Pisces to month XII. The final system of twelve zodiac signs of 30° first appears around the middle of the fifth century BC.” Britton and Walker, Walker ed., 1997, p. 49)

As noted above, even after the zodiac came into being multiple constellations were still associated with the signs for some time. This is evident from the fact that there were alternate names for signs based on the constellations found in those signs.

Calendar as Proto-Zodiac

These facts about the influence of the calendar on the zodiac have been known for some time, but are ill-understood by the public. Part of the confusion pertains to the 360 day calendar. Very little information is publicly available on the use of the 360 day calendar and the concept appears to be quite counter-intuitive. However, the 360 day calendar is fascinating and its study is essential to really understanding the motivation for a 12 sign regular zodiac.

The Lunisolar Calendar

Search for information on the Babylonian calendar and you will find information on their lunisolar calendar. This was the main calendar used in daily life. In that calendar, a new month begins with the first visibility of the Moon, which is about every 29.5 days on average. The months alternate as 29 and 30 days in length, yielding a year of 354 days.

Traditionally, the year starts with the new month near the equinox. Originally, it was the new month after the equinox, such that the equinox was associated with the full moon of the 15th of the last month (XII). By the time of the MUL.APIN, the year began with the new month preceding the equinox, so the equinox itself was associated with the Full Moon (15th of the month) of the first month. However, the actual location of the equinox would vary year-to-year within about 30 days of the start of the year. As this calendar is 354 days long, it required that an extra month be inserted (intercalated) about once every three years to put it back in line with the solar year.

Lunisolar Approximation?

The lunisolar calendar is attested since at least the late 3rd millennium BCE. Many (for instance, Newton in the quote above, as well as Lis Brack-Bernsen) believe it was in use even prior to the schematic 360 day calendar. Still, the schematic calendar is the first attested calendar by far. The belief that the 360 day calendar arose because of the lunar calendar is a position based on reasonable presumptions rather than textual evidence. It is presumed that a year of 12 months of 30 days came about as an approximation of the lunisolar calendar, and thus was derived from it.

Hebrew Calendar

The Hebrew calendar was borrowed from the Babylonians (during their 6th century BCE captivity). For this reason, we still see the use of the Babylonian lunisolar calendar (with some adaptations) in the Jewish tradition. For instance, Passover typically falls on the 15th of the first month of the year in the Hebrew calendar, as New Moon prior to the Vernal Equinox typically starts the year (1st) and the Full Moon would fall on the 15th.

I recommend taking a look at the Hebrew calendar to get a feel for the way the Babylonian lunisolar calendar would function. Similar calendars are also still used in some other Middle Eastern societies.

The 360 Day Calendar Emerges

In contrast to the lunisolar calendar, information regarding the 360 day calendar is relatively hard to come by. This is despite the fact that the first attested calendar in written records is the 360 day calendar, 360 day calendars were actually quite widespread, and the 360 day calendar was the most important calendar for Babylonian astrology and astronomy.

A very good source of information on the historical Babylonian use of the 360 day calendar is Lis Brack-Bernsen’s “The 360-Day Year in Mesopotamia” found in the 2007 “Calendars and Years” edited by John M. Steele.

The calendar may variously be referred to as the schematic calendar, ideal calendar, or administrative calendar.

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Early Origins

Evidence for the 360 day year is actually found in the preliterate early logographic accounting texts of Uruk from the late 4th millennium BCE. This makes the 360 day calendar the first textually attested calendar. 

“Archaic texts from Uruk (3200 BC-3000 BC) concern centralized bookkeeping. They document the same artificial diffusion of the year into 12 months of 30 days each that we know from later periods.” (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2534)

Both it and the lunisolar calendar were used by the peoples of the region, sometimes together in the same texts, from the Old Babylonian period to about the common era. However, as I’ve noted, the lunisolar calendar is not attested prior to about the mid-3rd millennium BCE.

“We conclude that the continuous and parallel use of the two calendar[s] has been shown all way through from 2600 BC to 2100 BC, while in the archaic texts, only the administrative calendar is clearly demonstrated.” (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2566)

The 360 Day Calendar in Odd Places

Likely due to diffusion, many ancient societies of Eurasia used such a 360 day calendar, including but not limited to the Old Persian calendar, original Egyptian calendar, and a scheme found in the Indian Rig Veda. More fascinating is its independent occurrence in Mesoamerica. It also appears to have influenced the concept of prophetic timing in the Biblical tradition.

Mesoamerica

Mesoamericans came to the progression of agriculture, cities, writing, and astrology much later and wholly independently. Interestingly, they also developed a 360 day calendar.

A tun was an approximation to the true solar year and so 18 twenty-day intervals, rather than 20, were built into the sequence. The Maya chose to use 360 instead of 365, and their reason most likely was the numerological usefulness of 360. It can be divided and manipulated in many ways.” (Krupp, 1983, p. 186)

The Prophetic Year

One of the more fascinating uses of the 360 day calendar pertains to Biblical prophecy. The prophetic year is typically defined as a 360 day year, a 360 year period, or a 360 year period of 360 day years. Its use is implied by passages in the Book of Genesis (7:11, 7:24, 8:4), the Book of Daniel (7:25, 9:27, 12:7), as well as the New Testament’s Book of Revelation (11:2, 11:3, 12:6, 12:14, 13:5). The prophetic year concerns the duration or timing for some event foreseen by a prophet to take place

Abraham and Zodiacal Releasing

The use of the 360 day year in the context of Jewish prophecy is interesting, as it relates to a Hellenistic astrological technique attributed to an astrologer named Abraham. Vettius Valens (2nd century CE) presented a timing technique (today called zodiacal releasing) which he attributed to an astrologer Abraham. The use of the name Abraham implies an astrologer of Jewish heritage. This technique did not use the typical 365.25 day year of the Alexandrian calendar which Valens used for most other techniques. Rather, it used a year of 360 days. Therefore, zodiacal releasing may represent an instance of the prophetic year in use.

Valens also used a 360 day year for another technique called decennials. I do not know of a Jewish connection to that technique.

Note on Conspiracy Theories

Some conspiracy theorists speculate that such 360 day calendars may have accurately reflected a solar year that was actually 360 days in length. However, the year has only been slowing by about 2 milliseconds per century (1 second every 50,000 years), so that hypothesis is not sound.

Isaac Newton appears to have captured the main motivation: to have a nice round number to work with. 360 is divisible by many numbers and is an ideal year to use for accounting and administration. However, it is also interesting that the actual mean between the lunar year of 12 Moons and the solar tropical year is about 359.8 days, making 360 days the mean lunisolar year within a fifth of a day.

Babylonian Use of the 360 Day Calendar

As I noted, the 360 day calendar was originally used for centralized state accounting. Later, it was still used for accounting and in scribal education (i.e. in mathematics). However, in later periods it is less attested for accounting after it becomes more associated with astronomy and astrology.

“Analysis of Ur III work rates, Old Babylonian coefficient lists, and Old Babylonian mathematical texts have thus shown that accounting practices involving the artificial year of 12 x 30 days in either administrative or scribal training contexts are found throughout the time from Ur III to the Old Babylonian period. And from this time onwards, we have evidence for the utilization of the artificial 360-day year in “astronomical” texts”.” (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2682)

Initial Astronomical Use

The schematic calendar became associated with astronomical regularities in the Old Babylonian period. This is the period of the early 2nd millennium BCE (20th to 16th centuries BCE). Already by the Old Babylonian period, the schematic calendar was also associated with day length schemes and the positions of the equinoxes and solstices.

“Already during Old Babylonian times, the schematic year of 12 months of 30 days was used for recording astronomical regularities. The Old Babylonian text BM 17175+17284 contains a scheme that connects day length and season (time within the year). The text places solstices and equinoxes on the 15th of Months XII, III, VI, and IX and the day length varies linearly between 2 minas and 4 minas.” (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2682)

An Ideal Calendar

The 360 day calendar is sometimes called the ideal calendar. It was indeed conceived as reflecting the ideal. When nature conformed to the schematic calendar it was viewed as a positive portent.

“In the astronomical/astrological compendia Enūma Anu Enlil tablet XIV and MUL.APIN, a so-called “ideal” or “schematic” year of 12 x 30 days is used. Omen texts, letters and reports show that it was interpreted as a good omen when a new month started on day 1 […]. Obviously, it was taken as a good sign when nature behaved as the “ideal” 360-day year and a bad sign when nature deviated from the “ideal calendar”. […[ the “ideal calendar just is a continuation of the artificial year of accounting.” (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2598)

Also recall what I noted above about the 15th day of the month of the ideal calendar’s association with the Full Moon. The Full Moon is the 15th in the lunisolar calendar, so ideally the equinoxes and solstices would occur on the Full Moons of their associated months.

Calendar Omens

The 360 day calendar was used in relation to many omens pertaining to specific days of the year. Some omens that were originally associated with calendar dates in the ideal calendar even became associated with zodiacal degrees in later zodiacal texts.

“The two texts have an older parallel in STT 11 300, 2 which assigns the under-takings and incantations to calendar dates and does not refer to the zodiac. In STT II 300 the passage parallel to those quoted above is (STT II 300 r12): “Sabatu 10th period of ‘A woman should not look [at a man]'”. As was the case with the Gestirn-Darstellung texts, the transmission from calendar dates to degrees of zodiacal signs is quite automatic. In the ideal calendar, the sun is in Aquarius 10° on the 10th day of the 11th month — not the moon.” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p. 170)

Length of Day

Earlier in this article, I cited some examples from the MUL.APIN which correlate dates in the schematic calendar with day lengths and the phases of the fixed stars. I also noted that this association between the calendar, day lengths, phases of the fixed stars, and equinoxes goes back to the Old Babylonian period.

The length of day and night is a function of the ecliptic-equator relationship. It is a defining feature of the tropical year. Therefore, the 360 day calendar became associated with the features of the tropical year from an early period.

Influence on Mathematical Astronomy

The day length schemes associated with the calendar also played a major role in some later developments in mathematical astronomy.

“The Late Babylonian procedure text TU11 testifies to many more astronomical quantities derived from the length of day or night. We see that the ideal year was utilized heavily in the early formation of numerical astronomical theory.”  (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2625)

Part IV: Babylonian Zodiac Mechanics

We’ve seen how the 12 month schematic calendar served as a type of proto-zodiac. It served to connect the phases of the fixed stars with features of the tropical year such as the solistices and variation in length of day. The calendar was associated with all facets of Babylonian astrology from omen lore to later mathematical development. The regularization of the zodiac, the use of 12 signs of 30 degrees, and the use of Aries as the starting sign of the zodiac are among the features inherited from the calendrical proto-zodiac.

Some major questions remain. Did the Babylonians have a sense of precession? Did they know a distinction between tropical and sidereal cycles? Additionally, how did Babylonian longitudes work in practice? Do we know the original reference stars?

Calendar Shift

Unlike the Greek, the Babylonians did not have a geometrical sense of the ecliptic, nor did they have a desire to start the zodiac with the equinox. As noted above, some schematic arrangements began with the solstice, but the calendar had placed equinoxes and solstices in the middle of months. First, the Vernal Equinox was placed in the middle of month XII, then later in the middle of month I. The reasons for the shift pertain to the way they wanted to conceive of their ideal calendar, not due to precession.  Precession actually shifts the equinox earlier relative to the stars, not later.

The schematic calendar was only 360 days. Being over 5 days short of the true year, it would itself require intercalation about every 6 years. Therefore, its figures were truly ideals, rather than annual constants. The simple fact that the Babylonian regular zodiac came about shows that the Babylonians thought it possible to correlate the stars and constellations with an idealized tropical calendar. This argues for a lack of knowledge of precession. If they had suspected a clear distinction between tropical and sidereal cycles then the early history of the zodiac would surely look different. The zodiac represents an attempt move the ideal calendar onto the Sun’s ecliptic path of the stars, a more stable basis of measure than the shifting count of days. 360 days became 360 degrees.

Equinox at 8 or 10 Aries

Two systems for computing planetary phenomena and zodiacal longitude arose in Babylonian astral science with the advent of the zodiac. Both were used until the end of the Babylonian astral period and beyond. In System A the Vernal Equinox is said to occur at 10º Aries while in System B it occurs at 8° Aries. Presumably, this difference in the placement of the equinox occurred due to use of a different reference star as a starting point, but we can’t be sure. Early Hellenistic sources (e.g. Geminos and Thrasyllus) noted an 8° Aries equinox suggesting it was the more widespread conception in the latter period.

“We do not know what chronological relation existed between these two norms and what caused the difference. We have no evidence from Babylonian sources about a recognition of precession and we have no reason to assume that the difference of zero points in System A and B had anything to do with it, knowingly or unknowingly.” (Neugebauer, 2012, p. 368-369)

Reference Star Issues

Today, we are used to thinking of the tropical and sidereal zodiacs as being distinguished by the reference point used. If a reference star is used then it is a sidereal zodiac, while if the point of the equinox is used then it is a tropical zodiac. As ancient ephemerides (from about 3rd century BCE on) were by and large sidereal, it may come as a surprise that it took some detective work to find any specific reference star(s) which were originally used.

Ephemerides were often generated from past ephemerides using period functions that were sidereal and synodic. These mathematical periods were based on observed repeated planetary phenomena relative to the stars (sidereal) and other planets (synodic).  While there were Normal Star texts expressing rough planetary position relative to stars near the ecliptic, positions in the zodiac were calculated rather than observed.

No Known Reference Star?

In Francesca Rochberg’s 2004 book, “The Heavenly Writing”, she expressed that the reference star is unknown.

“More precisely, however, we still cannot establish the star that originally served as norming point for the ecliptic. Even were we to assume the vernal point was determined correctly when it was assigned to 10° then 8° Aries, the corresponding dates of these zodiacal norming points cannot be pinpointed, as we do not sufficiently understand the ancient methods to obtain those values. Comparison against modern values for the longitudes of equinoxes is therefore uninformative for this purpose.” (Rochberg, 2004, p. 133)

However, Rochberg was apparently not aware of the latest scholarship in that area when she wrote that. Scholars have since discovered that a few reference stars were indeed used in the early period.

The Reference Stars

Three referential boundary stars have been noted in recent years. Boundary stars would’ve been the most important early references for the Babylonian zodiac. Additionally, some early zodiacal texts gave the positions of Normal Stars in the zodiac which allows other Normal Stars to be used as references as well. For instance, one could say that a given Normal Star was in the 2nd degree of Sagittarius, and thus we’d know that the Sagittarius started about 2 degrees earlier.

“It was assumed that the boundaries of the zodiacal signs either coincided with (in the case of the Southern Rein of the Chariot (ζ Tau), the Rear Twin star (β Gem), and the Rear Star of the Goat-fish (δ Cap), which were taken to mark the beginning of Gemini, Cancer, and
Aquarius respectively) or at known distances in front of or behind a Normal Star (Huber, 1958; Jones, 2004). This link between the beginning of zodiacal signs and the location of stars indicates that the Babylonian zodiac was sidereal and therefore slips relative to our tropical zodiac over time, a conclusion confirmed through analysis of comparisons of Babylonian zodiacal positions with modern computation (Huber, 1958; Steele and Gray, 2007; Britton, 2010). Two star catalogues are known which give the positions of the Normal Stars within the signs of the zodiac (Roughton, Steele and Walker, 2004).” (Steele, 2018, p. 99)

End of the Preceding Modern Constellations

Beta Geminorum, aka Pollux, is found to have indicated the starting border of Cancer. It was also found that Zeta Tauri (Tianguan) and Delta Capricorni (Deneb Algedi) also marked the start of Gemini and Aquarius respectively. Interestingly, all those stars are part of the modern constellations just preceding the corresponding one from which Babylonian signs were named. In other words, a star in at the end of the constellation Taurus marked the start of the Babylonian sign Gemini, while one at the end of Capricorn marked the start of the sign Aquarius.

Ayanamsha of the Babylonian Zodiac

The approximate modern tropical longitudes of the three stars noted are about 25 3′ Gemini for zeta Tauri, 23°28’30” for beta Gemini, and 23°49′ for delta Capricorn. As beta Gemini and delta Capricorn agree with each other pretty closely (within about 21′), and beta Gemini is a very bright star said to mark the start of Cancer, I’ll be focusing on that one. We will work toward establishing an ayanamsha for the Babylonian zodiac that is consistent with scholarly findings.

“The sidereal zodiac appears to have been fixed so that the longitude of the bright star β Gemini was 90°. Consequently, the equinoxes and solstices occurred at about 10° of their respective signs in 500 BC, an amount which decreases due to precession by 1.4° per century or to roughly 5° by 150 BC.” (Britton and Walker, Walker ed., 1997, p. 49-50)

When The Zodiacs Coincided

Given the current position of Pollux, the ayanamsha is 23°28’30” for the Babylonian zodiac.  At the rate of precession of a degree every 71.57 years, this would mean the zodiacs coincided about 1,680 years ago (23.475*71.57), i.e. about 339 CE. This would also mean that tropical and sidereal longitudes would have differed by about 2 degrees in Valens’s time. That is relatively consistent with the differences found by pulling up Valens’s chart in the tropical zodiac vs. the (sidereally-derived) positions he gave in his text. See my article where I do just that.

The equinox would have been at about 10° Aries in the 4th, rather than 5th century (not 500 BC as noted by Britton and Walker). Still, Babylonian equinox calculations at that time were not precise, being based on gnomon and water clock. I have noted some of the issues with that sort of equinox calculation in my article on the age of the tropical zodiac. An error of a couple of days would not have been unreasonable. It was Hipparchus (2nd century BCE) who found a means of precisely locating the equinox.

Equinox

Rochberg’s insistence on the inability to pinpoint a reference star and the fact that she refers to both stars and the equinox at different times as norming points can leave one very confused. Due to precession, the equinox and the stars cannot both be used as norming points without one running into some issues. One or the other will accumulate error and cease to be the norming point.

Similarly, one may wonder why the position of the equinox was said to be at 8 or 10 Aries for the whole of the use of the Babylonian zodiac. The Babylonians initially calculated the equinox on the basis of gnomon and water clocks which is not truly accurate for reasons discussed in that article. However, in the later period, rather than finding the equinox, it was calculated. For this reason, there doesn’t appear to have been any awareness that the equinox had shifted from its supposed position in the zodiac.

“The dates of solstices and equinoxes and of the heliacal rising of Sirius are recorded, but analysis has shown that at least during the Seleucid period (311 BC onwards) these are calculated, not observed.” (Britton and Walker, Walker ed., 1997, p. 50)

Ephemerides and Related Texts

Babylonian zodiacal positions were in time calculated rather than observed. The Babylonians did not have a clear geometric concept of the ecliptic, nor a geometric theory of planetary motion (unlike the Greeks). Babylonian ephemerides consisted of mathematical procedures for finding positions and timing other phenomena based on assemblages of functions which scholars term the “theory” for each planetary body.

“The theories are expressed in three classes of texts: ephemerides, which tabulate the functions necessary to compute the phenomenon in question for successive phenomena; procedure texts, which describe in compressed fashion the procedures for calculating each function; and auxiliary texts, which tabulate functions which relate to but do not figure directly in the computation of ephemerides.” (Britton and Walker, Walker ed., 1997, p. 49-50)

Accuracy

Babylonian planetary theory was not perfect. There was some degree of error and may have even been some slight zodiacal drift relative to the reference stars due to accumulated error.

“Kugler had already found that the Babylonian ephemerides were based on sidereal longitudes such that their “[Aries]0°” around -120 had a tropical longitude of about -4;36°. A very careful investigation of additional material by P. Huber showed that in about -100 the relation

λBab – λmod = 4;28±0;20°

holds. […] That the vernal point maintained in each of the two systems a fixed sidereal longitude indicates clearly that precession was unknown.” (Neugebauer, 2012, p. 369)

Accumulated Error

There are two things to note. First, difference of 4 1/2 degrees between the zodiacs in the year 100 BCE, would imply that the coincided near 220 CE (about 100 years earlier than what we found). The ayanamsha suggested by the ephemerides is also closer to 25°8′, about a degree and a half from that based on beta Gemini (Pollux) as 0 Cancer. Secondly, also note that there was about 20′ of variation on either side (total 40′ of variation among ephemerides). From these two facts we can surmise that the Babylonian zodiacal procedures were not precise. There was some zodiacal drift as well as some variation in Babylonian sidereal longitudes owing to error.

Conclusion

The tropical/sidereal distinction was not a clear one prior to the widespread knowledge of precession of the equinoxes. For the Babylonians, the stars and the ideal contours of the tropical year were correlated.

Why the Babylonians placed the equinox at 10 or 8 degrees of the Hired Man (Aries) is uncertain. Perhaps they had a specific reference star in mind. It is equally possible that they decided that they wanted the zodiac to have the equinox at 10 Aries and derived their reference stars based on their estimate for the location of the equinox. In either case, ephemerides were generated based on periods recorded with respect to bright stars near the ecliptic. In this way, longitudes remained relatively sidereally fixed while the assumed position of the equinox became increasingly erroneous.

Luni-Solar

Lunar phases, lunar proximity to stars and constellations, the solar cycle with its variations of day length and solar declination, and the phases of the fixed stars with respect to the Sun were all important means of measuring time and tracking omens.

The most sidereal elements pertained to the indication of location in the sky (particularly of the Moon) relative to certain ecliptic stars and to the constellations in the Path of the Moon.

The most tropical elements pertained to the division of the stars based on declination and the coordination of the phases of the stars with solar declination and variation in length of daylight through the idealized 360 day calendar.

The regularized 12 sign zodiac represents a synthesis of the “lunar” and sidereal constellations in the Path of the Moon with the “solar” and tropical 360 day calendar with 12 months of 30 days.

Hellenistic Astrology

Hellenistic astrology was not a continuation of the Babylonian tradition of astrology. It also was not a simple continuation of the tropical tradition of the Greek astronomers. Hellenistic astrology was a novel synthesis of elements from Babylonian, Egyptian, and Greek traditions while adding a number of new concepts.

The regularized zodiac is one of the key features of the system which owes a considerable debt to Late Babylonian astrology. The Hellenistic zodiac was not exactly the Babylonian one but fused some elements of the Babylonian with the Greek.

The zodiac in early Hellenistic astrology had both tropical and sidereal associations due to a lack of widespread knowledge of precession. The most common ephemerides were sidereally fixed. Evidently, astrologers thought they were tropically fixed as well.

Opinion

My opinion is that the 12 sign regular zodiac was inspired by the regularity and symmetry of the tropical year. I believe the Greek astronomers had symmetry foremost in mind. They immediately set about setting the 0 point of the zodiac to coincide with the equinox. Therefore, I’m of the opinion that the tropical zodiac is of the calendrical spirit of the Babylonian zodiac. I also find the symmetries of the Greek version of that zodiac (starting at the equinox) to most logically and elegantly capture the Sun-Earth relationship. The ecliptic is what is being measured and its shape is defined by that Sun-Earth relationship.

Still, the zodiac clearly had both sidereal and tropical motivations and associations. Therefore, the choice of zodiac must ultimately come down to practical effectiveness rather than appeal to history. As astrology is a symbolic language of divination, there is room enough for two zodiacs used in somewhat different ways. I have found the tropical zodiac to be effective in my astrological work which is heavily informed by Hellenistic astrology. Yet, I’ve also had readings by Jyotish practitioners using the sidereal zodiac which were extremely insightful.

Signs and Stars

While overall I feel that the 12 sign regularized zodiac is suited for tropical orientation, I also see strong potential for the direct use of stars and constellations. Similarly, the sidereal zodiac can be used as a short-hand for positioning relative to stars and constellations. However, what I feel is often lacking today in astrology is that aspect of the zodiac which I called “lunar”, pertaining to observed phenomena relative to the stars themselves. Constellational zodiacs fit that bill.

Evidence for the use of constellations together with the regular zodiac abounds in Hellenisticl texts. For some examples, see “Greek Horoscopes” by Neugebauer and Van Hoesen. Many example charts show the use of constellations (namely parans) as indicating additional important information. For instance, in one katarchic example (p. 145), the constellation Ophiucus is used. The fact that Ophiucus (Asclepius/Hygeia) rose with the Moon is used as an indication of the involvement of medicine. I see in such examples potentially untapped symbolism within the Hellenistic system. I’d like to see renewed astrological interest in the constellations and their associations.

Further Reading

Over the last year or so, I have written a number of articles on the zodiac. For those interested in some of the puzzling issues that come up in early Hellenistic texts, I recommend reading the article on planetary days. In that article, I explored the birth chart of Vettius Valens, as well as why he is suspected to have used sidereal ephemerides. Additionally, in an article on length of life techniques, I touched on the use of symmetrical rising times in Manilius and Valens.

In terms of zodiacal history, I recommend reading the article on the early Greek use of the tropical zodiac. In that article, I trace how an explicit and conscious tropical orientation for the zodiac is linked with the master Greek astronomers and their geometric emphasis.

When it comes to choosing a zodiac for Hellenistic astrological work, I provided my own rationale for using the tropical zodiac for such work. That article is called Why Use the Tropical Zodiac? and uses a number of chart examples. Additionally, I touched on how some of the sign qualities correlate with the tropical cycle in the lesson on the signs of the zodiac.

Scholarly Resources

Those looking to dig a little deeper into the scholarly resources can find some great places to start in the References to this article. A great short recent article to start with is John Steele’s 2018 “THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE BABYLONIAN ZODIAC: SOME PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS“. The PDF of that article is available for free in full online (follow linked title). That and the other academic references here provide additional references of their own which are worthy of your attention.

References

De Jong, T. (2007). Astronomical dating of the rising star list in MUL.APIN. Wiener Zeitschrift Für Die Kunde Des Morgenlandes,97, 107-120. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23861410

Diamond, J. M. (1997). Guns, Germs and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies.

Hesiod, & Evelyn-White, H. G. (1914). Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=gYBiAAAAMAAJ

Hunger, H., & Steele, J. (2018). The Babylonian Astronomical Compendium MUL.APIN.

Koch, U. S., & Institut, C. N. (1995). Mesopotamian Astrology: An Introduction to Babylonian and Assyrian Celestial Divination. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=8QiwAqGlmAQC

Krupp, E. C. (1983). Echoes of the ancient skies: the astronomy of lost civilizations.

Lehoux, D. (2007). Astronomy, Weather, and Calendars in the Ancient World: Parapegmata and Related Texts in Classical and Near-Eastern Societies.

Neugebauer, O., & Van Hoesen, H. B. (1987). Greek Horoscopes. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=kEgnLpm06zQC

Neugebauer, O. (2012). A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy. Springer Berlin Heidelberg. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=6tkqBAAAQBAJ

Newton, I., Tonson, J., Conduitt, J., & Longman, T. (1728). The Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms Amended: To which is Prefix’d, A Short Chronicle from the First Memory of Things in Europe, to the Conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=i4lbAAAAcAAJ

Rochberg, F. (2004). The Heavenly Writing: Divination, Horoscopy, and Astronomy in Mesopotamian Culture.

Rhoades, J. (1891). The Georgics of Virgil. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=hqQNAAAAIAAJ

Steele, J. M. (2007). Calendars and Years: Astronomy and Time in the Ancient Near East. Locations cited are from Kindle Edition.

Steele, J. (2018). THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE BABYLONIAN ZODIAC: SOME PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry18(4), 97-105.

Walker, C. B. F. (1997). Astronomy Before the Telescope. St. Martin’s Press.

Image Attributions

Featured image by Prioryman [CC BY-SA 4.0], via Wikimedia Commons
Mesopotamia map image by Goran tek-en [CC BY-SA 4.0], via Wikimedia Commons

Rebus IBM image is in the public domain.

Map showing Babylonia and Assyria c. 1450 BCE is in the public domain.

Photo of artifact portraying Nisaba by Osama Shukir Muhammed Amin FRCP(Glasg) [CC BY-SA 4.0], via Wikimedia Commons

Image of Celestial Sphere by Tfr000 (talk) 15:34, 15 June 2012 (UTC) [CC BY-SA 3.0], via Wikimedia Commons

Triplicity Rulers: One or Three?

Introduction

Recently, a reader asked about triplicity rulers. She noted that in an article on profession I attributed Venus as a triplicity lord of a Capricorn Ascendant in a night chart. In Chapter 15 of Demetra George’s book “Ancient Astrology” she dealt with triplicity lords. She appears to only consider one triplicity lord for the matters of sign rejoicing and rulership. Namely, she uses the first triplicity lord (that of the sect). Do the other two triplicity lords matter?

Triplicity Review

Triplicity is one of the most misunderstood and neglected types of rulership in traditional astrology. I have written on them in the past, so I don’t want to re-tread too much ground. Let’s briefly recap what triplicity lords signify.

Three Rulers

In the lesson on the signs, I introduced the triplicity lords. Please first familiarize yourself with the triplicity lords by way of that lesson. The triplicity lords are three planets which rule over a given triangle of three signs, or a given element (fire, earth, air, water). There is a day ruler, a night ruler, and a participating ruler.

The ruler of the sect is considered the main and initial influence. The triplicity rulers were often used in timing such that the ruler of sect showed support in the first period. That of the other sect showed support in the second period. Thus, there is an order to the triplicity lords, starting with the lord of sect.

Demetra noted the use of multiple triplicity lords for timing techniques. However, she emphasized only the triplicity lord of sect for assessing planetary condition. In this view, there is a planet that is THE triplicity lord. The other two lords are marginal, only to be used in certain techniques.

Support

Triplicity rulership is indicative of support, particularly reflective of relatives. For instance, a strong triplicity ruler can indicate significant support to what a planet or house indicates, and can make up for its deficiencies. An example might be a wealthy uncle who provides opportunities that one could not create for oneself out of one’s own abilities.

Sect

Triplicity is strongly associated with sect. Sect (day or night) is another significant factor that pertained to a relationship of affinity and support. I have explored the meaning of sign sect and its overlap with triplicity in the article on the sect and sex of the signs. Please refer to that article for information on that relationship. Sect and triplicity are two primary ways in which planets have a sense of kinship with each other and sense of support network in each other’s places.

Wind

As I noted in an early article on the subject, triplicity was originally associated with the directions of winds, rather than of the elements. Demetra, following Robert Schmidt, noted that this sense of triplicity as winds works nicely as a metaphor for support. A planet in its own triplicity has the wind at its back, and triplicity lords are like productive winds helping to move things forward.

One or Three in Hellenistic Literature

So now let’s return to the question of the use of the triplicity lords. These lords were strongly emphasized in the work of Dorotheus and Valens, two pivotal early Hellenistic astrologers. Would these men have considered Venus in Capricorn to be in triplicity by night? Also would they have considered Venus to be a significant triplicity lord (in terms of support) of Capricorn by night?  After all, the Moon is the nocturnal lord of Earth by night, and Venus is the diurnal one. Is the diurnal lord significant in a nocturnal chart?

I caution against getting all of one’s ideas about Hellenistic astrology from secondary sources. There are many high quality English translations of Hellenistic texts available. Secondary sources are primarily useful as gateways to aid in approaching primary sources and for critical practical evaluation and comparison. I try to encourage the exploration of primary source material as much as possible. Don’t take my word for it, look at the texts. And that’s what we’ll do now.

Dorotheus of Sidon (1st century CE)

First, I’d like to say that Ben Dykes provided a great introduction to his translation of Dorotheus’s Carmen Astrologicum. This introduction includes a discussion of the meaning of triplicity (beginning at page 42). I highly recommend that one obtains a copy of that translation and reads the introduction. As he noted, triplicity lords in Carmen tend to signify increase/decrease, protection, and assistance.

Order Not Exclusion

“The triplicity of Aries: its lords by day are the Sun, then Jupiter, then Saturn; and by night Jupiter, then the Sun, then Saturn.” (Dorotheus, Book I, Ch. 1, #4, Dykes trans., 2017, p. 61-62)

The way that Dorotheus presented the triplicity lords is significant. Dorotheus did not say that the Sun is the triplicity lord of a fire sign by day, and Jupiter by night. No, he said that by day the lords of that triplicity are the Sun, then Jupiter, then Saturn, and by night they are Jupiter, then the Sun, then Saturn. He did this for each triplicity. This emphasizes that all three are important for either chart sect. Sect only pertains to their order.

More Strong Lords Equals More Strong Support

Dorotheus made it very clear that all three triplicity lords are to be used in the matter of support. This does not just apply to timing. For instance, in the matter of looking at the health of one’s upbringing he examines all three triplicity lords of the Ascendant.

“… you want to examine the first, second, and third lords of the triplicity of the Ascendant: for if you found of them in its own share and a stake (or in what is equivalent to that, of the places in which it becomes stronger), then that will increase him in life, by the permission of God, and protect him.”  (Dorotheus, Book I, Ch. 4, #2, Dykes trans., 2017, p. 65)

But let’s be clear, Dorotheus went beyond this. Not only can any one of the three triplicity lords help to support a position, but more strong lords equals more support.

“Now if the three of them were all in strong places, then it is more excellent. And if two of them were in a strong position, then the strength in their indication will be complete, and preferable to that is if the first one of them is in an excellent place.” (Dorotheus, Book I, Ch. 4, #3-4, Dykes trans., 2017, p. 65)

Note that Dorotheus advised that it is most preferable if the first lord is strong. This suggests that this first lord was viewed as a first or preferred line of support.

Summary of Dorotheus on the Triplicity Lords

There are numerous passages in Carmen in which Dorotheus used the lords in this manner. Please see the introductory section by Dykes for a table of the sections in which Dorotheus used the triplicity lords. You will find that the passages above are representative of Dorotheus’s approach to triplicity. Namely, sect orders the lords in terms of first line of support, second, and third. It is not intended to indicate that only one planet is THE triplicity lord while the others are insignificant.

Therefore, here we get to the crux of the matter that so confuses people about triplicity lords. First, all of the triplicity lords rule a sign of that triplicity, by day or night. They are all significant. Second, the sect distinction is to order the lords of the triplicity. This ordering pertains to actual temporal ordering for timing techniques but also a sense of priority or preference. We might consider the first triplicity lord to be the preferred first line of support, wheres the third is the support of last resort.

Vettius Valens (2nd century CE)

Ordering Again

Valens is more ambiguous in his introduction to triplicity (the triangles). He introduced them in Book II, Ch. 1 of his Anthology. Triplicity is explicitly linked to sect in this passage. I have provided extensive quotes from the passage in my lesson on the signs.

He is more ambiguous in that he sometimes says things like “the moon, being near the earth, is allotted the houserulership of Taurus, Virgo, and Capricorn” but also says things like “[f]or day births Venus will lead; the moon will operate second; Mars, third” (Valens, Anthologies, Book II, Ch. 1, Riley trans., 2010, p. 25).

Next the moon, being near the earth, is allotted the houserulership of Taurus, Virgo, and Capricorn, a triangle earthy in nature and the next in order. It has Venus and Mars as members of the same sect […]. Therefore for night births the moon has preeminence; in the second place is Venus; in the third is Mars. For day births Venus will lead; the moon will operate second; Mars, third. (Valens, Anthologies, Book II, Ch. 1, Riley trans., 2010, p. 25)

However, it is clear from Valens’s use of language pertaining to “preeminence” and second and third places, that all three are used. It is the order and relative importance that changes by day and night.

Support from All Three

In the next chapter of Book II, Valens laid out how to use the triplicity lords in delineation. He explicitly looked at all three rulers in much the same fashion as Dorotheus.

“If the sun is found in Taurus, Virgo, or Capricorn (for day births), it will be necessary to investigate first how Venus is configured, second the moon, and third Mars, and to see what stars they have in aspect. In the same way, if the sun is in the next triangle, Gemini, Libra, or Aquarius (for day births), it will be necessary to look at Saturn, then Mercury, then Jupiter. The same for the triangle Cancer, Scorpio, and Pisces: if the sun is there (for day births), it will be necessary to look at Venus, then Mars, then the moon, to see if they are at angles. Having determined all this, then make the prediction.” (Valens, Anthologies, Book II, Ch. 1, Riley trans., 2010, p. 25)

As a Rejoicing Condition

Valens also clarified that a planet is strengthened by being in a sign of its own sect or triangle. Again, this would include Venus in Capricorn in a night chart, for example.

“It is best if the stars of the day sect are found at angles in their own triangles or in operative places; the same is true for the stars of the night sect. If they are in other triangles or in the opposite sect, prosperity will be less and will be subject to anxiety.” (Valens, Anthologies, Book II, Ch. 2, Riley trans., 2010, p. 26)

I explore some of these constant references throughout Valens to sect and triangle as near synonyms in my article on sign sect. The terms are nearly synonymous because a sign of the same sect as a planet is with only a couple exceptions also a sign in which the planet is a triplicity lord. In any case, Valens sees some sort of intrinsic support pertaining to a planet in its own triplicity. This condition is not just applicable if the planet is the first triplicity lord of that triplicity.

Conclusion

As we’ve seen, there were three triplicity lords of every sign in Hellenistic astrology. Sect was used to order them. This ordering pertained to relative importance in terms of support, and in terms of temporal ordering (typically with just the first and second used in that matter as beginning and end). All three triplicity lords were relevant both in the sense of rulership and in terms of evaluating planetary condition. Additionally, a greater number of strong triplicity lords can act to multiply the degree of support shown through triplicity.

Triplicity was of great importance to astrologers like Dorotheus and Valens. It was often emphasized more than domicile rulership. The symobolism of triplicity lords reflects the fact that success and opportunities often pertain more to connections than inherent quality or condition. It’s about who you know.

 

References

Dorotheus of Sidon, & al-Tabari, U. (2017). Carmen Astrologicum: The ’Umar al-Tabari Translation. (B. N. Dykes, Trans.). Minneapolis, Minn.,: The Cazimi Press.

Valens, V. (2010). Anthologies. (M. Riley, Trans.) (Online PDF.). World Wide Web: Mark Riley. Retrieved from http://www.csus.edu/indiv/r/rileymt/Vettius%20Valens%20entire.pdf

 

Featured image is Trinity + Triquetra (Tripod of Life, Borromean rings) Jerusalem by zeevveez from Jerusalem, Israel [CC BY 2.0], via Wikimedia Commons

How Old is the Tropical Zodiac?

Introduction

The original regular twelve-sign zodiac was a Babylonian invention. It was strongly shaped by both the tropical year of 12 lunar months, each roughly 30 days in length, as well as the stars, namely their constellations and the planetary periods relative to them. That zodiac was intended to be both tropical and sidereal; to correspond with both the seasonal year and the stars.

That was prior to the 2nd century BCE discovery by Hipparchus of precession, the slow shifting of the tropical year relative to the stars. That discovery was not widely known until many centuries later, after Ptolemy’s popularization of it (2nd century CE). Ptolemy’s advocacy for the tropical zodiac on the basis of precession did much for its widespread adoption by astrologers. However, the origins of the tropical zodiac predate Ptolemy, and even Hipparchus, by hundreds of years.

Two Emerge from One

Today, astrologers using a regular 12 sign zodiac must choose between the tropical zodiac and the sidereal zodiac. The tropical zodiac is fixed with respect to the Sun-Earth annual cycle, and is more popular in the west. The sidereal zodiac is fixed with respect to the stars and is more popular in Indian astrology. Both are valid symbolic divisions of the ecliptic in the context of their respective traditions. Neither zodiac corresponds to the constellations themselves which are greatly unequal in size with no clear borders or starting point.

The astrological prominence of the tropical zodiac in the west is strongly linked to Ptolemy. For this reason, it is often assumed that the tropical zodiac originated with Ptolemy (2nd century CE). Alternatively, people assume it started with the discovery of precession by Hipparchus (2nd century BCE). The truth is much more interesting. The tropical zodiac is nearly as old as the regular Babylonian zodiac itself. In fact, it was the standard zodiac of ancient Greek astronomy.

Early 5th Century BCE: Emergence of Twelve Signs

Historian of science, Francesca Rochberg, has asserted that the earliest direct evidence of the regular twelve sign zodiac is from Mesopotamia in the middle of the 5th century BCE.

The earliest direct evidence for the existence of the zodiac comes from fifth-century astronomical texts […] in which positions of the planets are cited with terminology used with respect to zodiacal signs as opposed to zodiacal constellations. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

Rochberg noted that there is also some indirect evidence for the use of regular zodiacal signs earlier, in the early 5th century BCE.

The phenomena computed in these texts can be dated with relative certainty to 475 B.C., although the writing of the tablets was certainly much later. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

Calendrical Influence

The calendrical origins of the Babylonian zodiac will be the subject of another article. However, you should know that the nature of the regular Babylonian zodiac was strongly shaped by a sense of an ideal annual solar calendar. There are 12 lunar months in a year and each lunar month has about 30 days (29.5). This is the origin of 12 signs of 360 degrees. The Babylonians even ensured that the sign corresponding with the month of the vernal equinox, which had been their first month, was the first sign (The Hired Man, corresponding to our Aries).

Constellations + Calendar

It is a myth that the 12 sign zodiac was shaped by a long standing use of a 12 constellation zodiac. The 12 constellation zodiac emerges close in time to the regularized 12 sign one and due to similar calendrical influences. The Babylonian tradition included a constellational zodiac of 18 constellations (sometimes condensed to 17). As the constellations became correlated with months, these constellations started to become grouped and condensed. The eventual 12 constellation Babylonian zodiac was very similar to, but not identical with, the one with which we are familiar today.

Progress towards the eventual system of zodiac signs is indicated by a Babylonian text of about the fifth century BC which lists the 12 months (ignoring the intercalary month) and their associated constellations, but assigns both Pleiades and Taurus to month II, both Orion and Gemini to month III and both Pegasus and Pisces to month XII. The final system of twelve zodiac signs of 30° first appears around the middle of the fifth century BC. (John Britton & Christopher Walker, Walker ed., 1996, p. 49)

The Twelve Constellations

The Greeks adapted the constellational zodiac (and the regularized zodiac as we’ll see) in their own way. The twelve zodiacal constellations familiar today are those of the ancient Greeks. Following Eudoxus (4th century BCE) and others, they were linked up with Greek myths and popularized. Perhaps the most famous expression of this was The Phaenomena by Aratus (3rd century BCE), which became one of the most popular texts of the ancient world.

[…] the question of Babylonian influence again arises. This is even more certain in another astronomical work of Eudoxus, a description of the heavens, as visible in Greece, in which he grouped all the fixed stars into the constellations which are still in use today. This work is a combination of traditional Greek nomenclature and mythology with Babylonian elements (most obviously in the twelve constellations of the zodiac). (G. J. Toomer, Walker ed., 1996, p. 73)

Antiquity of the Tropical Zodiac

As noted, the first indirect evidence for the regularized Babylonian zodiac is from the early 5th century BCE. Indirect evidence for an explicitly tropical Greek zodiac emerges soon after, in the same century. According to renowned historian of science Otto Neugebauer, the tropical zodiac starting at the vernal equinox was the standard among the old Greek astronomers. There is evidence for it all the way back to Euctemon in the late 5th century BCE.

We know from Hipparchus that the majority of the “old” mathematicians divided the ecliptic in this form. This statement agrees with sources still available to us; Euctemon (about -430) placed all four cardinal points on the “first day” of the respective signs. The same norm holds for Callippus (about -330) and is underlying the era of Dionysius (beginning -284/3). As far as we know this norm is attested nowhere in Babylonian astronomy. (Neugebauer, 2012, p. 600)

Euctemon and the Equinox

I mentioned that there is evidence of the tropical zodiac going back to Euctemon in the 5th century BCE. Euctemon may have fixed the zodiac relative to the cardinal points, but he still struggled with actually finding the equinox. He calculated the lengths of the seasons as 90, 90, 92, and 93 days (starting with summer) which is quite inaccurate. About a hundred years later, Callipus found the correct figures to within the nearest day (92, 89, 90, 94). A couple hundred years after Callipus, Hipparchus found even more precise figures.

The Trouble with Equinoxes

The idea of equinox is quite simple. Nights are long in winter, days are long in summer; somewhere in between they will be equal. But not exactly halfway in between: the solstices alone show that the sun does not move at a constant speed round the ecliptic. If it did, the time from summer solstice to winter solstice would be equal to the time from winter solstice to summer solstice, and Euctemon made these times 180 days and 185 days, respectively. How could he find the date of equinox? Not directly, by the length of daylight, because refraction makes the sun seem to be on the horizon when it is really below it. A better way is to find when the sun sets due west, though this, of course, will give the equinox only to the nearest day. Later, about 150 B.C., Hipparchus invented an ingenious device for finding the equinox quite accurately.   (Thurston, 1994, p. 112)

Once the equinox points had been found, the Greeks had an alternative way of placing the signs of the zodiac on the ecliptic, using the equinoxes instead of the stars as reference points. (Thurston, 1994, p. 112)

The Sophistication of Hipparchus

In the last section, I mentioned a quote about a device invented by Hipparchus to find the equinox accurately. This device involved a thin metal ring which was set up parallel to the plane of the equator. At the time of the equinox, the shadow of one half the ring would fall on the other half. It is probably the use of that device which allowed him to discover precession.

Interestingly, issues with finding the equinox persisted into the Middle Ages due to its importance in setting the date of Easter. It seems that in many ways Europe in the early Middle Ages was less technologically and astronomically sophisticated than Hipparchus with his device.

We find a similar situation with the Antikythera mechanism, a much more complex ancient device. The Antikythera mechanism (revisited below) was an advanced computing technology beyond the capabilities of the following Middle Ages. The mechanism relied heavily upon the work of Hipparchus and is estimated to have been built just a few decades after his death. It could model planetary motions through the tropical zodiac, as well as a range of other astronomical and calendrical events.

No, Really, Finding the Equinox is Not so Simple

My experience is that people today have a hard time grasping why it would be difficult to find the equinox. I myself was a little skeptical of the idea until I had done some research into archaeoastronomy, the history of astronomy, and the history of the calendar. Scholars in all three areas highlight the importance of the challenge of finding the equinox. That challenge is central not only to understanding the origins of the zodiac in antiquity, but also to understanding the Gregorian calendar reforms of the 16th century.

Archaeoastronomer, Clive Ruggles, has pointed out that the idea of the equinox was relatively easy for the Greek astronomers to conceptualize as they were developing geometrical models. It is similar for people in our time who are quite familiar with geometry. However, for those unfamiliar with Greek geometry and lacking the tools for proper measurement against such geometric models, it posed significant challenges.

Day/Night and Equinox

Day and night are actually not of equal length on the equinox because it gets light before sunrise and is still light after sunset.

It is even misleading to say that the equinoxes are the days when the time between sunrise and sunset is the same as that between sunset and sunrise, because this definition assumes a flat horizon and the absence of atmospheric effects, particularly refraction. In practice, one cannot determine the equinox by measuring the length of time between sunrise and sunset.  (Ruggles, 2015, p. 148)

Christianity and the Equinox

Finding the equinox even posed challenges for Christians of the medieval period. The equinox was a key to setting the date of Easter and orienting churches. The importance of being able to use the calendar to find the equinox for Easter purposes also led to the later Gregorian calendar reforms.

The fact that the equinox has, nonetheless, acquired crucial liturgical importance within the Christian world in connection with the timing of Easter is attributable to the roots of that tradition in the Classical world. The difficulties of recognizing and marking the equinox in medieval times were considerable, and this is reflected in the process and practice of orienting churches. (Ruggles, 2015, p. 151)

Eudoxus and the Spheres

We’ve seen how the Greeks were interested in orienting the zodiac to the equinoxes from the beginning. Also, I noted how their geometric methods enabled them to determine the equinox with increasing accuracy. During this period, from the adoption of the regular zodiac (late 5th century BCE) to Hipparchus (2nd century BCE), Greek models were growing increasingly complex and sophisticated. Note that the time of Euclid is right in there, in the late 4th to early 3rd century BCE. Also, Plato helps to kick off the period, as he was active in the early 4th century BCE.

Sophisticated Greek astronomy predated Hipparchus by a couple centuries. It really took off with Eudoxus (early 4th century BCE). Eudoxus invented more advanced mathematical methods to deal with incommensurable quantities (repeated in Book V of Euclid’s Elements). Also, he created a model of the heavens based on geocentric spheres. His ingenious system of linked spheres would pave the way for increasingly sophisticated models for describing the motions of the planets. Additionally, he is typically credited with adapting the twelve zodiacal constellations of the Babylonians into their Greek form (see earlier quote by Toomer)

Parapegmata

One of the ways we know the early Greek astronomers, such as Euctemon, used the tropical zodiac is from the parapegma attributed to each. These were almanac-like texts, going through the calendar year noting important weather and astronomical events that would fall on each date. The Greek tradition of parapegmata went back to at least Hesiod’s Works and Days (7th century BCE). In other words, the tradition of parapegmata begins not long after the Greeks adapt the alphabet of the Phoenicians to their language and rediscover writing (i.e. after the Greek Dark Ages). The cultural role of mythological epic, also prominent in early Greek texts, is undisputed, while the early importance of parapegmata in defining Greek culture is more often overlooked. A couple hundred years after Hesiod, the parapegmata of the old Greek astronomers started to use the equinoxes and solstices to define the start of each season.

The Parapegma of Geminos and its Predecessors

The parapegma of Geminos (1st century BCE) is a compilation based on six prior ones, particularly those of Euctemon (cited 46 times), Eudoxus (cited 61 times), and Kallippos (cited 34 times). The start of that parapegma is below and cites Kallippos (Callippus), of the mid-4th century BCE, as stating that Cancer begins to rise on the first day of summer, the solstice.

The times in which the Sun passes through each of the signs and, for each sign, the weather predictions, which are written underneath. We shall begin from summer solstice. The Sun passes through Cancer in 31 days. <On the> 1st day, according to Kallippos, Cancer begins to rise; summer solstice; and it signifies. (Geminos, Parapegma, Evans & Berggren trans., 2006, p. 231)

Prussian Faltkalender circa 1400 (public domain)

Tropical Zodiac without Knowledge of Precession

The fact that the tropical zodiac had become the Greek standard almost as soon as the zodiac reached Greece is well-attested. However, this is almost 300 years prior to the discovery of precession. Additionally, the tropical and sidereal zodiacs did not “line up” until about 600 years later. Therefore, it wasn’t a matter of their not being much difference between the zodiacs. Why did the Greeks divide the zodiac in that manner, if not due to precession?

We don’t have all the answers. The Greek astronomers had an increasingly sophisticated geometrical model of the heavens at their disposal. Babylonian models tended to be arithmetic rather than geometric. The Babylonian approximation of the vernal equinox at 8 degrees Aries was based on shadow clocks (gnomons) which is inaccurate. The Greeks, on the other hand, could find the equinox with greater ease using ever-improving geometric models. Due to the central role of the cardinal points in defining the year, it probably made much more sense to the Greeks as the frame of reference.

Geminos Compares the Greek and Babylonian Zodiacs

Geminos (1st century BCE) asserted that the tropical zodiac was the Greek standard and actively compared it with the Babylonian one.

The two solstices and the two equinoxes occur, in the way of thinking of the Greek astronomers, in the first degrees of these signs; but in the way of thinking of the Chaldeans, they occur in the eighth degrees of these signs. The days on which the two solstices and the two equinoxes occur are the same days in all places, because the equinox occurs in all places at one time, and similarly the solstice. And again, the points on the circle of the signs at which the two solstices and the two equinoxes occur are exactly the same points for all astronomers. There is no difference between the Greeks and the Chaldeans except in the division of the signs, since the first points of the signs are not subject to the same convention for them; among the Chaldeans, they precede by 8 degrees. Thus, the summer solstitial point, according to the practice of the Greeks, is in the first part of Cancer; but according to the practice of the Chaldeans, in the eighth degree. the case goes similarly for the remaining points. (Geminos, Ch. I, #9, Evans & Berggren trans., 2006, p. 115)

Interestingly, Geminos assumed that the Babylonian zodiac is essentially tropical. That is, that it is fixed with respect to the equinox. He asserted that it differs only in starting point from the Greek tropical zodiac. In fact, the Babylonian zodiac had used sidereal periods of the planets, calculated relative to stars rather than to the equinox. Their tables remained sidereally fixed while their estimation of the equinox’s zodiacal position accumulated error. By the time of Geminos, the equinox would have already been closer to 4° Aries, rather than 8° Aries, of the Babylonian zodiac used in practice.

Geometric Symmetry

Geminos actually criticized the Babylonian zodiac as illogical in some regards. He had no knowledge of the work of Hipparchus on precession a century earlier, as he does not invoke precession in his arguments. One particular point of contention pertains to what may be termed signs of equal daylight (antiscia). He discussed such signs as a type of aspect which he called “syzygy” or connected signs. He criticized the common reckoning of these signs as those equidistant from the solstitial signs (e.g. Gemini-Leo) rather than from the solstitial points (e.g. Gemini-Cancer).

But it happens that such an account is completely erroneous. For solstices do not occur in the whole of Cancer; rather, there is one certain point, perceivable through reason, at which the Sun makes its turning; for the solstices take place in a moment’s time. The whole twelfth-part of Cancer is situated in the same way as Gemini, and each of them is equally far from the summer solstitial point. For this reason, the lengths of the days are equal in Gemini and Cancer, and on the sundials, the curves described by the gnomons [when the Sun is] in Cancer and in Gemini are equally distant from the tropic {…} There are, then, in truth, 6 syzygies {antiscia signs}: Gemini with Cancer, Taurus with Leo, Aries with Virgo, Pisces with Libra, Aquarius with Scorpio, Capricorn with Sagittarius. {…}” (Geminos, Ch. II, #33-44, Evans & Berggren trans., 2006, p. 134-136 – curly brackets added)

This speaks to the desire to make the zodiac and its symmetries conform to the Sun-Earth relationship and its symmetries which define the seasonal year. A preoccupation with geometry and harmonious symmetrical models that best reflect nature were likely leading factors behind the development of the Greek tropical zodiac.

The Antikythera Mechanism

One of the most ingenious applications of the Greek geometrical model of the heavens is the Antikythera mechanism. It was an ancient analogue computer, the world’s first, dated to the 2nd or 1st century BCE. The mechanism was discovered in a shipwreck off the coast of the Greek island Antikythera in the early 20th century. It is believed to have had astronomical, astrological, and calendrical uses.

Fragment of recovered Antikythera mechanism

The mechanism relies upon the state of the art Greek geometrical model of the heavens of the time. It even incorporates a model of the irregular motion of the Moon which had been worked on by Hipparchus. For this reason, some initially believed Hipparchus might have been consulted in its construction. Its complexity and accuracy are such that they would not again be matched until the European astronomical clocks of the 14th century.

The Antikythera’s Tropical Zodiac

Scholars working on the mechanism have clarified that the zodiac calculations used were tropical, despite some initial press releases that were ambiguous as to this fact.

The letter ‘alpha’ can be read next to the zero degrees Libra (autumn equinox) position, suggesting that this zodiac was tropical, in accord with the Hipparchan innovation of starting at zero degrees Aries for the spring equinox. (Kollerstrom, 2007, p. 30)

Note that Kollerstrom incorrectly assumed the tropical zodiac was a “Hipparchan innovation”. In any case, the Antikythera mechanism’s zodiac was oriented to the cardinal points.

As Price had conjectured and I later confirmed, wheel B1 and a central arbor on axis B passing coaxially through it were geared together so that if one rotation of B1 were to represent one year, one revolution of the central spindle would represent one sidereal or tropical month. (“Sidereal month” was Price’s term. However, the dial includes a formal representation of the Zodiac and not a starmap; and the tropical year, not the sidereal year, had come to be regarded as a constant in Hellenistic astronomy. Therefore the term “tropical month” is correct.) (Wright, 2012, p. 3 of PDF)

On the Shoulders of Giants

When I asked my readers whether they believed the mechanism used the tropical or sidereal zodiac, 43% of them thought sidereal, 57% tropical. My readers tended to be familiar with the antiquity of the device and many assumed the tropical zodiac came much later. However, it is not surprising that the tropical zodiac was used. It was the standard zodiac of the old Greek astronomers as we have seen. The Antikythera mechanism’s construction relied upon the geometrical model of the heavens of those same astronomers.

A reconstruction of the Antikythera mechanism.

The Antikythera’s Parapegma

One of the more interesting features of the Antikythera mechanism is that it also served as a parapegma. I discussed parapegmata above. They are calendars for key astronomical and meteorological events of the year, which became linked with the Sun’s voyage through the tropical zodiac. Letters on the device are believed to have indexed astronomical phenomena, including certain risings and settings of stars. There were separate plates that one could refer to which described the phenomena indexed. This is yet another feature placing the mechanism firmly within the tradition of the old Greek astronomers.

In the next segment two letters of {ΠΑΡΘΕ}ΝΟ{Υ} – Virgo – can be distinguished, thus indicating a cycle of the signs of the zodiac in a clockwise direction. Around this dial are letters of the alphabet, which apparently start and finish at the autumnal equinox and relate to the parapegma text beneath the dial. The parapegma under the dial on the front of the Mechanism shows a traditional Greek calendar similar to that described by Geminus […]. (Edmunds & Morgan, 2000, p. 6.11)

Astrological Antikythera

It is widely believed that the tropical zodiac was not used astrologically until Ptolemy’s time and after. However, the fact that scholars believe that the mechanism may have been used for astrology casts considerable doubt on that assertion.

Horoscopic astrology depended on the availability of precise longitudes of the Sun, Moon, and planets for any given date and time, using the scale of zodiacal signs and degrees as on the Mechanism’s front dial. Eclipses were the most prominent astronomical phenomena whose prognostic significance was interpreted in “general” astrology, the part of the science dealing with forecasts for regions and peoples. And the Egyptian calendar finds a role here as a standard chronological framework for astronomical predictions, as we know from astronomical tables from the first century AD and later. (Jones, 2012, p. 16)

Technical Astronomy and Astrology

While in Ptolemy there is a clear fusion of technical astronomy with astrology, there were probably Greek precedents. Stoic philosophical notions regarding fate were becoming closely linked with technical astronomy around the time of Hipparchus and the mechanism. The birth of a sophisticated new astrology seems a natural byproduct of that fusion.

Although the tradition of Hipparchus may seem firmly astronomical, it must be remembered that Posidonius – probably the most brilliant mind behind the Rhodes school in the relevant period circa 100–51 BC – was a Stoic philosopher, with inevitably a holistic view of the universe. As summarized by Cumont (1912): “Posidonius defined man as the beholder and expounder of heaven,” and “In the declining days of antiquity, the common creed of all pagans came to be a scientific pantheism, in which the infinite power of the divinity that pervaded the universe was revealed by all the elements of  Nature.” On such a linked and predestined view, the foretelling of events by stellar and planetary positions  could certainly not seem – and did not seem in the increasingly dominant Roman mind – unreasonable. (Edmunds & Morgan, 2000, 6.17)

The Tropical Zodiac in Astrology

It is true that our early textual evidence, which is rather scant, suggests Hellenistic astrologers used a Babylonian concept of the zodiac. For instance, many placed the equinox at 8° Aries. However, an 8° Aries equinox alone is not evidence that a zodiac is not tropical. The Babylonian zodiac can be calculated as an offset tropical zodiac if normed to that 8° Aries equinox rather than to the stars.

Still, there is also evidence of astrologers, including Vettius Valens, calculating positions using sidereal tables. The use of these tables effectively yields sidereal positions. The reason for the prevalence of sidereal tables is obvious. It pertains to the difficulty of accurately finding the equinox and the lack of knowledge regarding precession. However, were there also astrologers who used tropical tables, developed by use of more sophisticated astronomy prior to the time of Ptolemy? There is some evidence that there were.

Early Tropical Astrology

On the tropical side of the equation there is the Antikythera mechanism, the fact that most works of the old Greek astronomers are lost, and some limited evidence for early astrological use of an explicitly tropical zodiac. Geminos, whose text contains some astrological lore (aspects for instance) explicitly advocated a tropical zodiac. Also, summaries of Thrasyllus suggest there were some astrologers in his day (1st century BCE) that placed the equinox at 0° Aries.

First he treats of the nature of the zōidia […] And that the tropics are not made at the first degree of the zōidion, as some maintain, but at the 8th degree. (Summary of the Table of Thrasyllus, Schmidt trans., 1995, p. 57-58)

This is significant as the foundational texts of Hellenistic astrology are believed to have been written in the 2nd or 1st century BCE. Thrasyllus was one of the earliest active figures in Hellenistic astrology for which we have some fragments. The summary suggests that the Babylonian and Greek zodiacs may have been in competition among astrologers of the day. Again, note that precession was not widely known at that time so it was not as much an issue of tropical vs. sidereal as where the zodiac starts relative to the equinox (see Geminos above).

Claudius Ptolemy’s Universe

Ptolemy’s Almagest was the main turning point which drove astrologers to mindfully and explicitly adopt the tropical zodiac. Ptolemy was an astrologer himself, yet equally adept in his treatment of optics, music theory, and advanced mathematical astronomy. His geocentric model of the heavens improved upon the most advanced Greek models of his predecessors.

Ptolemy’s cosmos became the standard astronomical model for about the next 1400 years. His popularization of the work of Hipparchus on precession also helped astrologers to draw a clear distinction between a tropical and sidereal zodiac. Prior to that it is evident that astrologers did not suspect a difference.

Conclusion

Today, the tropical zodiac, the old Greek standard fixed to the year and its defining Sun-Earth cycle, is  still popular in the west. By contrast, the east, particularly India, has found the sidereal zodiac, fixed with regards to the constellations, to be more compatible with its long-standing sidereal indigenous astrology. Whichever zodiac you choose to use, it is important to understand the complex and fascinating, but often misunderstood, history of the zodiac.

Further Reading

For further reading on the zodiac there are some other articles on this site that may interest you. The lesson on the signs explains some of the connections between sign associations in Hellenistic astrology and the tropical cycle. The article on why I use the tropical zodiac touches on some of the same issues addressed here but with a focus on practical Hellenistic astrology. The exploration of material on planetary days in Valens ends with a look at his chart, both in the sidereal calculation which reflects his statements about it and the tropical one which shifts the signs of two planets. The article on antiscia explores the symmetrical relationships highlighted by Geminos. Additionally, the book images of sources and related texts are links to purchase those texts from Amazon.

 

References

Edmunds, M. G., & Morgan, P. (2000). The Antikythera Mechanism: still a mystery of Greek astronomy?. Astronomy & geophysics41(6), 6-10.

Evans, J., & Berggren, J. L. (2018). Geminos’s Introduction to the Phenomena: A Translation and Study of a Hellenistic Survey of Astronomy. Princeton University Press.

Hand, R., & Schmidt, R. (1995). The Astrological Record of the Early Sages in Greek. Golden Hind Press.

Jones, A. (2012). The Antikythera mechanism and the public face of Greek science. Proceedings of Science38, 1-22.

Kollerstrom, N. (2007). Decoding the Antikythera Mechanism. Astronomy Now21(3), 32-35.

Wright, M. T. (2012). The front dial of the Antikythera mechanism. In Explorations in the History of Machines and Mechanisms (pp. 279-292). Springer, Dordrecht.

Neugebauer, O. (2012). A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy. Springer Berlin Heidelberg.

Rochberg, F. (2004). The Heavenly Writing: Divination, Horoscopy, and Astronomy in Mesopotamian Culture. Cambridge University Press.
Ruggles, C. L. N. (2005). Ancient Astronomy: An Encyclopedia of Cosmologies and Myth. ABC-CLIO.
Thurston, H. (2012). Early Astronomy. Springer New York.
Walker, C. B. F. (1997). Astronomy Before the Telescope. St. Martin’s Press.
Image Attributions

Feature image is reliefs of the 4 seasons from french sculptor Jean Goujon on the Hôtel de Carnavalet in Paris. Photo by Beckstet

The image of a piece of the recovered Antikythera mechanism is by Tilemahos Efthimiadis from Athens, Greece [CC BY 2.0], via Wikimedia Commons

The image of the reconstruction of the Antikythera mechanism is by I, Mogi [CC BY-SA 3.0], via Wikimedia Commons

 

Planetary Days and Hours in Hellenistic Astrology

The Days of the Week

Why is the day of Mercury (Wednesday) followed by the day of Jupiter (Thursday), rather than by that of the Moon (Monday) as would be expected from the order of the planets (Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, the Moon)? Planetary hours are the key. Planetary hours were part of Hellenistic astrology. Their use was advocated by Vettius Valens (2nd century CE) and his material on them has some very interesting elements.

 

Seasonal Hours

The ordering of the week pertains to the Hellenistic practice of putting the 24 hours of the day under the dominion of each of the planets in order. The ancient Egyptians and Babylonians divided the day into 24 hours, but based on the length of day and of night. They did so by dividing the time from sunrise to sunset into 12 equal hours, and that from sunset to sunrise into another 12 equal hours. These are called the seasonal hours as they vary in length depending on the given season (day hours are longer in the summer but shorter in the winter).

 

Injecting the Planets

There is some controversy over who started putting the hours under the dominion of the planets. Rutgers sociology professor Eviatar Zerubavel in his book on the history of the week asserted that it wasn’t until the Hellenistic period that the practice started occurring. His dating, around the 2nd century BCE, puts the advent of planetary hours in roughly the same period as the Antikythera mechanism and the origins of horoscopic astrology.
“However, while the Chaldean origin of astrology is indisputable, there is no evidence that an actual astrological seven-day cycle ever existed in Mesopotamia. While the planetary theory most probably evolved around 500 B.C. and the earliest Babylonian horoscope dates from 409 B.C., not one instance of a particular day being designated as “the day of the moon” or “the day of Venus,” for example, has yet been found in pre-Hellenistic horoscopes.” (Zerubavel, 1989, p. 14)

Finding the Day

The planetary hour system is the source for the planetary days and the seven days of the week. According to English classics scholar Leofranc Holford-Strevens, “the week as we know it is the fusion of two conceptually different cycles: the planetary week, originally beginning on Saturday, derived from Hellenistic astrology, and the Judaeo-Christian week, properly beginning on Sunday” (p. 64).

 

There are 7 planets and 24 hours which cycle through them. This means that all 7 planets cycle through three times with 3 hours remaining (3 times 7 is 21; 24 minus 21 leaves a remainder of 3). Therefore, the 25th hour, or 1st hour of the next day, starts with the 4th planet in order from your (inclusive) starting planet. The 22nd, 23rd, and 24th hours of the Mercury day (Wednesday) are the hours of Mercury, the Moon, and Saturn respectively. The first hour of the next day is that of Jupiter (Thursday), the planet which follows Saturn.

 

In this way, you always skip two planets after your starting planet to get to the next day. If today is the day of Jupiter (Thursday), then skip Mars and the Sun, giving you Venus (Friday) as the day tomorrow.

 

The Heptagram

The heptagram, a seven-pointed star, once served as convenient aid for remembering the order of the days of the week. The planets are inscribed in the “Chaldean” order clockwise around the outside. Following the inside lines in clockwise order yields the order of the days of the week.

Weekday Heptagram

“The ancients used a simple device for keeping track of the proper names of the hours and days in relation to the planet gods. They used a seven-sided figure, with each vertex marked with a planet’s name in the proper order. Archaeologists found one of these wheels drawn as graffiti on a wall when they excavated Pompeii.” (Duncan, 1998, p. 58)

Adoption of the Week

The seven day week was rather foreign to Romans prior to Constantine. It was known of since the time of Augustus (1st century CE) but Romans favored other systems for organizing the days. The Roman emperor, Constantine I, whose mother was Christian, ruled in the early 4th century CE. He is best known for ending the persecution of Christians, legalizing Christianity, convening the First Council of Nicaea, and himself converting.  His influence on the calendar is felt to this day, around the world, in his adoption of the seven day Christian week and the planetary naming conventions of Hellenistic astrology.

 

Constantine also set dies Solis, the day of the Sun, as the day of rest and worship. That change may have upset some Jewish Romans, and even some Christians, as the Sabbath was the last day of the week, our Saturday. However, Christians held that Jesus was crucified on the 6th day (Friday) and was resurrected on the third from that (Sunday), so the first day of the week (our Sunday) became their holy day. It is thought that Constantine’s setting aside the day of the Sun was also an attempt to curry favor from the many Sun worshipers of the empire, including Mithraists. Constantine was also known to equate himself to the god Sol Invictus (unconquerable Sun) throughout his life despite his embrace of Christianity.

Naming of the Days

The names for the days of the weeks in many European countries come straight from the Roman days for the corresponding planets (but often with Sunday modified to the Lord’s day). However, the British resisted the seven day scheme until the Anglo-Saxon conquests of the 5th century inspired them to take up the Roman custom but with a twist. They inserted their own corresponding Germanic (Norse) gods in place of the Roman ones for four of the days of the week. Tuesday was named for Tiw, god of war (according to some), corresponding to Mars. Wednesday was named for Woden, god of wisdom and poetry, corresponding to Mercury. Thursday was named for Thor, god of lightning and protection, corresponding to Jupiter. Friday was named for Freya, god of love, corresponding to Venus.

 

When Does the Day Start?

Do you start the day with sunrise or sunset? This is a bit controversial. Our civil day comes from the Romans who started the day at midnight. By contrast, the Egyptians started their day at sunrise. However, the Babylonians and ancient Greeks (including Greek Egyptians) started theirs at sunset. The Wikipedia article on planetary hours, as of this writing, cites Valens as support for the start of the day at sunset, which requires a bit of explaining.

 

Valens Book I Ch. 9P

Valens’ explanation of planetary hours is slightly confusing due to the fact that he says he will use as an example the first hour of the night on a given date. But then he goes on to find the day as a Mercury day, with its first hour belonging to Mercury. I think this interpolation between this example and its assumed solution is what gave some readers the impression Valens started the day at sunset. However, Valens then goes on to enumerate the hours of that day and that night, specifically citing that the first hour of the night is that of the Sun. The fact that his day is that of Mercury and the first house of the night is that of the Sun clearly imply a day starting at sunrise. In fact, it is in the next chapter that Valens returns to the same example and specifies that the day is Mercury and hour is the Sun (see quote below). The attribution that Valens used days starting at sunset is a clearly false one.

 

Planetary Days, Hours, Years, and Months in Hellenistic Astrology

It is interesting that Valens started the day at sunrise for astrological purposes, like the Egyptians, but in contrast to the sunset custom of the Greeks and Babylonians. Very few Hellenistic astrologers mentioned planetary days and hours or their astrological significance. The use of the days and hours became more popular in the later medieval period, and then they also used a sunrise start time. However, Valens did consider these planetary periods to be significant astrologically. He even looked at planetary years and months as well.

 

Valens on Planetary Years and Months

Due to the use of Egyptian month names, Valens description for finding planetary months and years can be confusing. However, the principle appears to be very simple and is the same as that for planetary days. The ruler of the first planetary day of the month is the ruler of the planetary month. Similarly, the ruler of the first planetary day of the year is the ruler of the planetary year. In otherwords, they all follow from the progression of hours, just like the days of the week did. Valens set this out in Book I, Ch. 10P.

 

Years and the Progression of Days

January 1st of 2019 falls on a Tuesday, making this a year and month of Mars. 2018 was a year of the Moon, and 2017 that of the Sun. Apart from years following leap years, we move to the next planet in the order of the days of the week each year, which is why 2020 will fall to Mercury (Wednesday follows Tuesday).  As 2020 is a leap year, 2021 will skip a planet in the day of the week order, going to Venus (i.e. the first of the year falls on a Friday).

 

The reason for this annual progression to the next day of the week is due to the fact that 364 is a multiple of 7. Therefore, 365th day of the year falls to the same planet as the first day of the year. Similarly, the first day of the new year will be the day that follows the first day of the last new year. When there is a leap year, then there are 366 days in the year, so the new year involves skipping a day.

 

What is the Alexandrian Calendar?

Vettius Valens used the Alexandrian calendar. What is the Alexandrian calendar? It was a reformed Egyptian calendar as initiated by the Roman emperor Augustus after his defeat of Antony and Cleopatra in 30 BCE. He had Egypt start using this new calendar starting on the Julian date of the 29th of August 23 BCE, which would become the Egyptian new year (1st day of the month of Thoth), with 365 days in the calendar, and a 366 day leap year every 4 years.  The Alexandrian year consisted of 12 months of 30 days, with 5 (6 on a leap year) days appended at the end of the year.

“A consequence of this reform is that the years of the modified calendar keep in exact register with those of the Julian calendar. Each Alexandrian year begins on 29 August except every four years when, in the year preceding the Julian beissextile years, it begins on 30 August.” (Richards, 1998, p. 157)

Alexandrian vs. Egyptian Calendar

It is important to keep in mind that Valens used the Alexandrian calendar, not the older Egyptian calendar, as both used the same month names. This is because the Alexandrian calendar had leap years and kept step with the Julian calendar. The Egyptian calendar had lacked leap years despite the best efforts of Ptolemy III in the 3rd century BCE to have them inserted, a change the priesthood would not abide.

“It is useful to distinguish this modified calendar from the original Egyptian civil calendar by calling the former the ‘Egyptian calendar’ and the latter the ‘Alexandrian calendar’.”  (Richards, 1998, p. 157)

Note that there was also a more complicated Egyptian lunar calendar with alternating 30 and 29 day months, but this was not used by Valens as his months are all 30 days in length.

The Valens Methodology

The Alexandrian year was much like ours, 365 days with a leap year every 4 years. This Julian-based system of years is being referred to by Valens when he noted the number of leap years as 36 after 148 years of the Augustan era. 148 divided by 4 is 37, but the first year was not a leap year, so 36 leap years had occurred. Keep in mind that the Alexandrian calendar is like ours and that our calendar results in the next day of the week starting each successive year, except for a skip after leap years.

“If you want to know the houseruler of the year, calculate in the same way. To continue with the previous example: the full years of the Augustan era are 148, the leap years are 36, plus the one day of Thoth 1, for a total of 185. I divide by 7 for a result of 26, remainder 3. Count this <3> from the sun’s <day>. The year goes to Mars.” (Valens, Book I, Ch. 10P,Riley trans., 2010, p. 12)

Unpacking

Let’s unpack this dense passage. Note that Valens starts the first day of the first year of the era as a day going to the Sun. Each year will push to the next planet, but each leap year will push it one further. Therefore, he adds the number of years to the number of leap years, yielding 184. As he is counting inclusive of the first year (that of the Sun) he also adds the first of his current year to the total (Thoth 1) yielding 185. 185 divided by 7 is 26 with a remainder of 3. Therefore, we end on the third day from Sunday, inclusive of Sunday itself (Sunday, Monday, Tuesday). This lands us on Tuesday, the day of Mars, for the first of the current year.

After the passage above, Valens noted that with his 30 day months he could pretty easily find the planet of the month because it will always be the third day of the previous month (i.e. go forward in skips). He was examining the 6th month and already noted that the first month (first of the year) went to Mars (Tuesday).  So the first month went to Tuesday, the second to Thursday, the third to Saturday, the fourth to Monday, and the fifth to Wednesday. Therefore, the 6th month (Mechir) started with a Friday, giving the month to Venus. He then proceeded to find the day from there.

A Note on the Project Hindsight Translation of Valens

The 36 extra leap year days are called “intercalary days” in the Project Hindsight translation. The more correct translation is the number of “leap years” as given the in Riley translation. Intercalary days is ambiguous as it is more typically used to refer to the 5 days appended at the end of the Egyptian year, which is clearly not Valens’ reference in this instance. As noted, Valens clearly used an Alexandrian calendar with a full year of 365 days (and a quarter accounted for with leap years). The only time Valens used a year of 360 days was specifically as a period for a natal predictive technique now known as zodiacal releasing (“the distribution”).

“Since the universal year has 365 1/4 days, while the year with respect to the distribution has 360, we subtract the 5 intercalary days and the one-fourth of a day, then we find the number of years. Only then will we make the distribution.” (Valens, Book IV, Ch. 9, Riley trans. 2010, p. 75)

The Astrological Use of Planetary Hours, Days, Months, and Years

Valens considered the planetary year, month, day, and hour rulers to be astrologically significant.

 

“Since the ruler of the year is Mars, of the month, Venus, of the day, Mercury, and of the hour, the sun, it will be necessary to examine how these stars are situated at the nativity. If they are in their proper places and proper sect, they indicate activity/occupation, especially when the ruler of the year happens to be transiting the current year, the ruler of the month transiting the current month, and the ruler of the day transiting the current day. If however they are unfavorably situated and have malefics in aspect, they indicate reversals and upsets.” (Valens, Book I, Ch. 10P, Riley trans., 2010, p. 12)

The impression is that the example given by Valens is that of someone’s birthday (most likely Valens’ own). The planetary year, month, day, and hour in which we are born is important to Valens. He instructs us to look at the natal state of those planets by sect and place. For prediction he also advised to look at the interactions between the period rulers at birth and those of the current time periods.

 

Mechir 13: Valens’ Birthday

Mechir 13 is most likely Valens own birthday, as the date Mechir 13 comes up repeatedly in the text. David Pingree claimed Valens included his own chart with a Feb. 8th, 120 birthday.  The date is given as Hadrian year 4, meaning the 4th year of the reign of the Roman emperor Hadrian, which would have been 120 CE. Normally, Mechir 7 would fall on Julian Feb. 1st, with Mechir 13 corresponding to Julian Feb. 7th. However, on a leap year Julian Feb. 1st corresponded to Mechir 6, putting Mechir 13 at Feb. 8th. Therefore, Valens appears to have been born under a Mars year, Venus month, Mercury day, and Sun hour.  He was born in the first seasonal hour after sunset.

 

Greek Egyptians would have reckoned a new day from sunset. This may be why Valens puts the date as Mechir 13/14  at one point in his text, as he was born an hour after sunset. Astrologically he was still Mechir 13, but by the civic calendar he would have been Mechir 14.

Valens’ Chart Data
Reading other passages pertaining to this Mechir 13-born native, who comes up again and again, we find more about Valens’ chart. He was born with Virgo rising, Mars in the Ascendant, Mercury (Asc lord) and the Sun in Aquarius in VI, and Moon in Scorpio in III. He also had a strong cardinal configuration of Saturn in Cancer in XI, dominating Jupiter in Libra in II, in turn dominating Venus in Capricorn in V (opposed to Saturn).
“An example: sun, Mercury in Aquarius, moon in Scorpio, Saturn in Cancer, Jupiter in Libra, Venus in Capricorn, Mars, Ascendant in Virgo.” (Valens, Book II, Ch. 31P, Riley trans., 2010, p. 44)
Valens repeatedly mentions that this person has the Sun at 22° Aquarius and Moon at 7° Scorpio.
“For example: Hadrian year 4, Mechir 13, the first hour of the night. The sun was in Aquarius 22°, the moon is Scorpio 7°” (Valens, Book I, Ch. 4, Riley trans., 2010, p. 9)
“For example, so that my readers may understand the determination: Hadrian year 4, Mechir 13/14, hour 1 of the night; the moon in Scorpio 7°, the Ascendant in Virgo 7°.” (Valens, Book I, Ch. 21P, Riley trans., 2010, p. 23)
Valens Chart

Valens used sidereal tables for his chart calculations and they were known to have a little bit of error.  Given Valens notes about Virgo rising and being born in the first hour of the night, his Ascendant would have to be early in Virgo. Virgo does not begin to rise until near the end of the first hour.

 

Best Estimate of the Birth Chart of Vettius Valens – Sidereal Chart – Raman Ayanamsha

Note on Ayanamsha

I initially calculated his chart in the Fagan-Bradley ayanamsha. The positions are pretty close but the error in the Sun position makes it clear that the difference from the tropical zodiac of his sidereal tables was significantly greater than that of Fagan-Bradley ayanamsha. For this reason, I include the Fagan-Bradley chart further below but only for reference. It is not an accurate reflection of the sidereal tables available to Valens.

I’ve calculated the sidereal chart with the Raman ayanamsha because it best reflects the sidereal tables Valens used. Valens reported the Sun at 22° Aquarius, consistent with Raman, while Fagan-Bradley would put it at 19º Aquarius. We would not expect to have significant sidereal error for the Sun’s position. Therefore, the Raman ayanamsha best reflects the sidereal tables Valens relied upon.

Timing

With the Raman ayanamsha, Virgo begins rising at approx. 6:10 pm and the first hour of the night ends at approx. 6:42 pm. The time I use below is less than 5 minutes before the end of the first hour and about 30 minutes after Virgo started rising, so it is a good approximation. Note that Valens reported his own Ascendant to be 7° Virgo. The second hour of the night actually starts while 6° Virgo is still rising. Therefore, there was some amount of error in his calculation of his Ascendant. The Raman ayanamsha chart below has 6° Virgo rising.

Tropical Difference and Sidereal Error

Somewhat shockingly, Valens was using sidereal tables that were about 4 degrees off from tropical positions. Significantly, they were also almost 3 degrees off from typical sidereal positions used today, including Fagan-Bradley and Lahiri. This was at a time when the tropical and sidereal zodiacs are said to have nearly coincided. If the Fagan-Bradley ayanamsha accurately reflects the original sidereal calculations of the Babylonians (as is claimed), then the sidereal tables of Valens’s time had accumulated significant error.

Charts

Valens was born with 4 retrograde planets! Jupiter stationed retrograde within 24 hours of his birth, while Mercury would station direct within 2 days after his birth and is in phasis.

 

The Fagan-Bradley chart below is not an accurate reflection of the sidereal tables used by Valens as indicated by the 3 degree error in Sun position from that given by Valens. However, it is included as it better accords with typical sidereal standards today. Most western siderealists use the Fagan-Bradley ayanamsha while most Indian siderealists use one close to it within about a degree.

Valens Estimated Sidereal Birth Chart with Fagan-Bradley Ayanamsha

I include the tropical chart below too, just for those interested in analyzing it. However, Mercury and Saturn end up in different signs in it than those given by Valens.

Note on Planetary Day/Hour

Note that my software gave us the wrong planetary day and hour for Valens. The calculation is a day off in terms of planetary days. Valens was born on a Mercury day (Wednesday) and Sun hour, but from our current ordering of days he was born on a Jupiter day (Thursday) and Moon hour. As noted, the Romans officially adopted the seven day week and the naming scheme of planetary days with Constantine in the early 4th century CE, long after the time of Valens. I am told by reader Ricardo Carmona that the Hellenistic astrology program, Delphic Oracle, calculates the correct (Mercury day) for Valens.

Starting Date for Planetary Months and Years

There can be multiple “years” and “months” considered. For instance, Valens noted he is taking the ruler from the start of the first day of the month of Thoth in the Alexandrian calendar (Julian Aug. 29th). He said he does this because it how the old astrologers found the ruler of the year. This is interesting as it suggests that some of his sources used planetary hours, days, months, and years. However, Valens also instructed that he thinks it would be more natural to use the heliacal rising of Sirius (original start of the Egyptian year) as the first of the year. Similarly, we might consider January 1st the first day of our civic year and/or the spring equinox as the first day of our astrological year.

Vettius Valens – Estimated Tropical Birth Chart – Mercury and Saturn change signs

Finding Your Own Planetary Hours

Finding the planetary day is trivial. It is your day of the week converted to its ruling planet. Sunday, Monday, and Saturday are easy as ruled by the Sun, Moon, and Saturn respectively. Tuesday goes to Mars, Wednesday to Mercury, Thursday to Jupiter, and Friday to Venus.

It is not very difficult to figure out planetary hours either. If you know your local sunrise and sunset times, then you can figure out the length of the day and of the night. Dividing each by 12 will give you the length of each hour. The hours start with the ruler of the day at sunrise. But be aware that a new day doesn’t start until sunrise, so 4 am on a Tuesday morning is actually a Monday night in the context of this system.

For those who want a quicker and easier reference, there a number of websites with applets. Here is a link to an easy one.

Conclusion

I have at times found the planetary days and hours to be useful. They are relatively popular in the western magickal tradition. In that traditional they are mainly used for electing times to perform rituals. I’ve found that they can occasionally be helpful in natal astrology as well. Their early treatment by Valens should inspire more experimentation by traditional astrologers.

 

I have not experimented at all with the planetary years and months noted by Valens. This year is a year of Mars. Time will tell if the scheme for universal years according to the local civic calendar will prove useful.

References

Duncan, D. E. (1998). Calendar:: Humanity’s Epic Struggle To Determine A True And Accurate Year. HarperCollins. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=HeiWQgAACAAJ

Holford-Strevens, L. (2005). The History of Time: A Very Short Introduction. OUP Oxford. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=Pv1NveUL0O4C

Richards, E. G. (1998). Mapping Time: The Calendar and Its History. Oxford University Press. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=GqXDQgAACAAJ

Valens, V. (2010). Anthologies. (M. Riley, Trans.) (Online PDF.). World Wide Web: Mark Riley. Retrieved from http://www.csus.edu/indiv/r/rileymt/Vettius%20Valens%20entire.pdf

Zerubavel, E. (1989). The Seven Day Circle: The History and Meaning of the Week. University of Chicago Press. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=Cd5ZjRsNj4sC

Image Attributions

Featured image is in the public domain. It is a portion of “Elevazione dell’Anfiteatro di Statilio Tauro, e degli altri edifizi che gli eran vicini” (1762) by Giovanni Battista Piranesi. It depicts the Solarium Augusti.

Weekday heptagram by Ant Allen from Wikipedia Commons

03/13/2019 Update:

Thanks to reader Ricardo Carmona the coordinates for Antioch have been corrected on the charts of Vettius Valens. Coordinates in original article were for the city Antioch in the US which was erroneous (and embarrassing). Thankfully, there was not a very significant impact on the estimated sidereal due to similarity in latitude. The biggest change is that the Moon is a little earlier in Scorpio than in the previous estimate due to change in longitude. I’ve also added the sidereal chart in the Raman ayanamsha which evidently reflects the sidereal tables available to Valens which much greater accuracy. This gives us a better glimpse into how the chart positions would have looked to Valens.

Why Use the Tropical Zodiac?

Introduction: Contentious Choices

The practice of astrology is riddled with contentious choices. Which one of the dozens of house systems should you use? Do chart factors essentially represent psychological or general real-life circumstances? Does astrology work according to a physical cause, for instance related to some ill-understood element of quantum mechanics? Or is it maybe linguistic, pertaining to a rational faculty of the cosmos which provides signs? Or could it be something else entirely?

Some issues can be resolved without much effort. Sometimes all that is needed is an open mind, a little chart work, and a brief exploration of astrology’s history and internal logic. However, other issues are more difficult. These issues can require a thorough familiarity with the principles of delineation and years of experience from hundreds of charts. Similarly, there are times when a superficial understanding of astrology’s history does not suffice and we have to deeply analyze particulars.

House System

I consider the choice of house system to be one of the easier issues to resolve, despite continued confusion in this area. Whole sign houses are the only house system that was used for topics in the first centuries of Hellenistic astrology (i.e. when the system came about). It also fits with the internal logic of the astrological system. The house issue is not a difficult one to address with some history, understanding of astrological principles, and work with chart examples. I’ve addressed the house issue at length, from multiple angles, in my article on the houses. Still, it continues to be one of the most vexing choices for beginners in astrology.

The Zodiac

Some contentious issues are more difficult to resolve. Among the most difficult and contentious is the matter of the zodiac. After more than 7 years of writing articles for Seven Stars Astrology, I’m still confronted by angry readers who attempt to convince me that I’ve made a grave error: I’m using the wrong zodiac!

I’ll explore the historical issues in more depth and with reference to relevant scholarship in the latter part of the article. However, before proceeding I’d like to briefly touch upon the main issues. The Babylonians created the zodiac as a means of measuring positions on the ecliptic. It was also intended to correlate their 12 month calendar, which began near the vernal equinox, with the twelve unequal constellations crossing the ecliptic. They do not appears to have known that the stars and calendar were actually drifting slowly away from each other and so they set the vernal equinox at a specific degree (at 8° or 10° Aries).

The Division

Knowledge of precession, the shift of the stars relative to the equinoxes, was taken two different ways in Indian astrology and western astrology. Indian astrologers accounted for the shift by arguing for various reference stars which could be used to keep the zodiac fixed with regards to its position relative to the constellations (sidereal zodiac) reflecting the original Babylonian intention and focus on the sidereal year. Western astrologers settled on a long-running Greek practice (from the late 5th century BCE) of starting the zodiac with the vernal equinox (tropical zodiac), fixing it to the calendar and seasonal cycle.

The Losers and The Losers

The sidereal zodiac can be accused of no longer coinciding with the calendar and seasons as the zodiac was intended. The tropical zodiac can be accused of no longer coinciding with the constellations for which the signs were named as was intended.

On only one issue did they agree, that the Babylonian standards were not sufficient. No one demonstrating knowledge of precession advocated to keep the zodiac fixed in such a way that the vernal equinox would always occur at 8° or 10° Aries.

The Babylonian Zodiac is Not Simply a Sidereal Zodiac

We should collectively refer to the two competing standards used by the Babylonians (from Systems A and B; vernal equinox at 10° or 8° Aries respectively), as “the Babylonian zodiac”. This serves to distinguish them from a tropical zodiac (vernal equinox at 0 Aries) and modern sidereal zodiac (distance to some explicit reference star determines 0° Aries).

The labeling of the Babylonian zodiac as “sidereal” accords with its original form and also with the Babylonian focus on sidereal periods and the constellations for observed phenomena. However, it was originally intended to be fixed with respect to both the stars (sidereal) and the calendar/equinox (equinox at 8° or 10° Aries). Additionally, it is not clear that all later adopters of the Babylonian zodiac used it sidereally (i.e. with respect to updated sidereal tables) vs. tropically (i.e. computing longitude relative to an 8° equinox). Referring to it simply as a sidereal zodiac confuses the Babylonian zodiac with today’s sidereal zodiacs (such as Lahiri or Fagan-Bradley). In such a way it obfuscates the circumstances of its development and subsequent history.

Hellenistic Context

The zodiac choice is particularly complex in the context of Hellenistic astrology. The zodiac was borrowed from the Babylonians but new Hellenistic doctrines, including sign associations, arose at a time when sidereal and tropical zodiacs nearly coincided. Sign qualities in the Hellenistic period pertained to the seasonal calendar as well as the images of the constellations. Furthermore, some Hellenistic astrologers, ignorant of precession, including Thrasyllus and Vettius Valens, used the Babylonian zodiac, sometimes even into the 4th century CE. Meanwhile, Claudius Ptolemy of the 2nd century CE, cognizant of precession, set the stage for the widespread adoption of the tropical zodiac.

The Babylonian Zodiac was No Longer “Sidereal” in the 1st and 2nd Centuries CE

Astrologers using the Babylonian zodiac apparently thought they were using one that was both sidereal (fixed to the stars) and tropical (fixed with respect to the position of the equinox), due to their ignorance regarding precession. As noted, this Babylonian zodiac had not been adjusted for precession (the shifting of the stars relative to the equinox) so it had actually lost its original correspondence with the stars. Further complicating matters, the late 2nd century was a time when the tropical and sidereal zodiacs coincided to about a degree of accuracy. Therefore, the Babylonian zodiac used by some early Hellenistic astrologers was much farther removed from the original and modern sidereal zodiacs than the tropical zodiac was in the same period. See Part III for details regarding this.

Two Zodiacs at the Same Time?

If you’ve read my article on the signs, you’ll know that at times I’ve felt that the sidereal zodiac may have a place in Hellenistic astrology. Since some sign associations pertain to the constellations, I’ve flirted with the idea of using a sidereal zodiac just for those indications. However, in recent years I’ve become less certain that using two zodiacs for western astrology will ever make sense. I believe that the tropical zodiac is the system of signs for western astrology, and that for a deeper dive into constellational symbolism, we should use the constellations themselves, not the sidereal zodiac.

With that said, I in no way imply that the tropical zodiac is more effective for Indian techniques. I cannot speak to that topic due to my lack of experience with Indian astrology. However, when it comes to the use of signs and their key features for traditional western astrology, including Hellenistic astrology, I find the tropical zodiac much more effective.

13 Signs?

I want to make a quick note about a further complicating factor. Unfortunately, there are popular astronomers putting out articles that confuse the notions of sign and constellation. These astronomers, who should know better, chide astrologers who “foolishly” use 12 signs when in fact 13 constellations cross the ecliptic. However, astrologers from even before the advent of Hellenistic astrology recognized the zodiac as 12 equal divisions of the 360 degree circle, not the 12 constellations from which they were named. Twelve is important not because of the number of constellations crossing the ecliptic but because there were 12 months in the lunisolar calendar. The division of the ecliptic into 12 signs followed from the calendar of 12 months, not from some long-standing tradition of using 12 constellations. The Babylonian tradition was actually to use 17-18 zodiacal constellations.

Divisions of time and circles into 360 degrees, 60 minutes, 60 seconds, 12 segments, and so forth should be familiar to anyone who has used a clock and a compass. These divisions originate from the Babylonians who came up with the zodiac and used a sexagesimal (base 60) number system. Signs are equal symbolic units of space-time, not the unequal constellations of stars. The initial importance of 12 came not from a number of constellations in the sky, but from the number of lunar months in the solar year. There are 12 New Moons in a given year. 360 is also interesting as it is the mean number of days between the mean solar year of approx. 365.24 days and the mean lunar year of approx. 354.37 days. The mean between the solar and lunar years is approx. 359.8 days, almost exactly 360 days.

Argument Structure

My rationale for using the tropical zodiac has always been primarily empirical. In other words, I find that the tropical zodiac works better for Hellenistic astrology. I don’t mean it works better in some amorphous, personal, “works better for me” sort of way. Given years of experience with applying Hellenistic techniques, I’m equipped to provide concrete examples of why the best results come with the tropical zodiac. As the empirical matter has been the most important matter to me, I present it first.

Historical matters are more complicated and can be quite confusing. A thorough understanding of the history is very important. I believe that logic and zodiacal history also support the use of a tropical zodiac. After I present my empirical examples, I examine some of the historical and logical facets of my decision. Those who want to dig into the nitty-gritty of the logic or history first can skip to Part II or III respectively. I conclude with my own story about how the tropical zodiac was responsible for turning me from a skeptic to an astrologer in the first place.

Part I: Example Charts

The following 7 examples illustrate the superiority of the tropical zodiac from an empirical standpoint for early traditional western principles and techniques. As the Fagan-Bradley ayanamsha is typically the one used by western siderealists, I will adopt that one in the sidereal charts of this article.

Ex. 1: Jimi Hendrix

I’ve previously pointed out that Hendrix’s chart works best with whole sign houses and a tropical zodiac. I addressed his chart at length in the article on the houses and also looked at it in terms of professional indications. See his chart below (natal chart of Jimi Hendrix, AA-rated).

Hendrix’s Tropical Birth Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Hendrix’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Career Indicator: Mercury-Venus Tropical; Mars Sidereal

Per Hellenistic techniques, the planets relevant to actions (i.e. career; skill-development; occupation) are Mercury, Venus, and Mars. We look to see if they are in eligible places. The planets that are most relevant are in the best of those places and/or have some additional special indications (e.g. phasis, station). I’ve discussed the technique in a prior article and have noted that I tend to follow Paulus Alexandrinus (4th century CE). Please review that article for details on the Hellenistic approach to this topic.

Tropical – Mercury-Venus and the Sun in the 1st

Mercury and Venus (as well as the Sun) are in the 1st house in the tropical chart. This makes them relevant as planets of actions, and also relevant for the identity and temperament. As I’ve noted, Mercury pertains to complexity, speech, composition, writing, and manual dexterity while Venus pertains to the arts, drugs, sexuality, and physical pleasure. One indication of Mercury with Venus is musical composition. Guitar playing is particularly relevant as stringed instruments played with one’s fingers are under the domain of Mercury (digits) and Venus (music).

Tropical

Mercury, Venus, and the Sun are all in the bound and sign of Jupiter, the sect benefic, connecting them with fortune. The twelfth-part of Jupiter is the 5th house of the chart, the Joy of Venus, which can pertain to the fruits of one’s labor and to material benefit (it is the house of good fortune). The twelfth-part of Mercury is in the 2nd house in the Mercury bound, connecting it with income, while that of Venus is in exaltation in the 4th. Both the 2nd and 4th are also eligible places, further emphasizing the importance of Mercury-Venus for the career.

Sidereal – Mars in the 11th

The sidereal chart still has Sagittarius rising and still has a Moon-Jupiter conjunction in Cancer, the 8th house. However, the career indications are completely different. Mercury and Venus are now in the 12th house. They are no longer in an eligible place for actions. They no longer pertain to the identity or character either as they are not in the 1st and do not rule the 1st house in any way. Now they are in the 12th house of the Bad Spirit, pertaining to secret enemies, imprisonment, and social ills. Mars is the clear planet of actions, as it is in the 11th place and has its twelfth-part in the 8th, both of them being eligible places. It also has its twelfth-part closely conjunct Jupiter’s twelfth-part, with the Moon and Jupiter in the 8th.

Sidereal

Mars is insufficient here as an answer. Yes, Hendrix was in the army for a time, but Mars was not the operative planet for his actions, skill-development, and occupation. Hendrix is not known for his manual labor, his competitive leadership, his political acumen, brawn, ferocity, or military prowess. Hendrix is known for his rich dexterity and complex compositions, his guitar playing, his singing, and his identity itself. All of those fall under the purview of a Mercury-Sun-Venus conjunction in the Jupiter bound of Sagittarius in the 1st house. The sidereal zodiac falls woefully short here when looking at Hendrix’s career and character.

Ex. 2: OJ Simpson

In this second example, I look at another chart I’ve addressed previously in terms of profession. In a prior article, I noted how the Hellenistic technique for professional significator correctly indicates Mars for OJ Simpson. His chart is birth information is rated AA for accuracy. To keep things brief, I refer you to my article for details on the analysis. Let’s see what the indications are when using the technique with the sidereal zodiac.

Tropical – Actions: Mars in XI; tpMars in I; Mars rules Asc bound

Mercury and Venus are in XII so are not particularly relevant for profession. Mars is in XI which is a relevant place and Mars advances toward the MC. Significantly, Mars rules the bound of the Ascendant, has triplicity at X and the MC, and its twelfth-part is in the 1st house. The twelfth-parts of Venus and Mercury are in XII and IX respectively, emphasizing that they are not as significant for actions. Therefore, we see lots of reinforcement to Mars as significator of actions, and also that it is relevant for character. Mars is in the fortunate 11th house, with twelfth-part Jupiter and in Jupiter’s bound, while Jupiter is ruled by Mars, connecting immense fortune to Mars (athletic star).

Simpson’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Tropical – Character pertains to XII, Saturn, Mars

Additionally, let’s look at some indications about character and life circumstances. The Sun which rules the 1st is in the 12th, one of the dark or bad places. This connects the character with the 12th house and its themes of undoing, imprisonment, and secret harm. Mercury, also relevant for character and intentions is additionally in the 12th. Both Venus and her twelfth-part are in the 12th, connecting her strongly to the themes of undoing, imprisonment, and secret harm. Furthermore, Saturn is in the 1st house of self as is the twelfth-part of Mars, indicating that both malefics are operative in the house of the self and character. See this article for more analysis of the character indications in OJ’s chart.

Sidereal – Actions: Mars in X and Ruling MC

Mars is also the professional indicator using the sidereal zodiac. In fact, its relevance for profession is just as striking. Mars is in X and rules the MC. However, what is lacking is a connection between Mars and self-identification. Mars has no rulership at the Ascendant and its twelfth-part is not in the 1st or a stake. Additionally, Mars is missing the Jupiter connection. Mars is not ruled in any way by Jupiter, is not with Jupiter’s twelfth-part, and Jupiter is not in a sign of Mars. We get Mars as career significator but not as relevant to the character nor necessarily associated with luck or fortune.

Simpson’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Sidereal – Character pertains to Sun and Venus in XI and Jupiter in III

Most strikingly, the malefic connections to character are largely absent in the sidereal chart. The character is dominated by the Sun which is in the fortunate 11th house and with the benefic Venus. Venus also has her twelfth-part in the 1st. This suggests a very solar and Venusian character. Jupiter rules the bound of the Ascendant and Jupiter is in Libra, a house of Venus. The twelfth-part of the Ascendant is also ruled by Venus (by bound). Again, we are getting the sense of a very magnanimous and positive individual with a sweet artistic or feminine temperament. Gone are the negative associations with Venus, the malefics in the 1st house, the ruler of the 1st in XII, and the identification with the out of sect Mars. These are not trivial losses when it comes to character delineation.

Ex. 3: Whitney Houston

I have also previously examined Whitney Houston’s chart. I’ve addressed the factors pertaining to her death in a prior article that explores her chart in some depth, as well as an article on the primary directions at the time of death. Whitney Houston’s birth information is Rodden-rated AA for accuracy.

Tropical – Venus-Mercury Actions; Venus-Jupiter Attended by Difficulties for Character

Whitney Houston’s tropical chart has the Venus bound of Pisces rising. Venus (arts) is in the 6th (a relevant place to actions) and her twelfth-part is in the 10th (actions) in her own bound of Sagittarius. Mercury (vocals) is also prominent for actions, being in Virgo (exaltation), the 7th house, in the bound of Venus. Mercury’s twelfth-part in its own bound of the 11th house of Good Spirit.

Therefore, Venus and Mercury prevail in the chart when it comes to actions. They are connected with fortune (Jupiter and XI) as well as brilliance and acclaim (Sun and X).

The character is particularly jovial and venusian (Pisces). However, it is also marked by some of the more troublesome manifestations of both (over-indulgence, escapism, pleasure-seeking) as they are both in dark places and afflicted by malefics.

Whitney Houston’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Sidereal – Mercurial Actions; Saturn-Mercury Character

In the sidereal zodiac, Houston’s Ascendant changes to Aquarius. It goes from a mutable water sign ruled by benefics (pleasant character but unstable or vacillating and putting a premium on the subjective) to a fixed air sign ruled by Saturn (cooler temperament, serious, idea-oriented, stubborn). The twelfth-part of Mercury in the 1st house further emphasizes and intellectualism. The twelfth-part of Mars in the 1st shows a hot competitiveness. Venus has no rulership of the 1st.

Mercury is the most important planet for actions, as its twelfth-part in the 1st reinforces its advancing position in the 7th. Mercury has the strongest connections to to actions (and the personality) of the 3 planets of actions. Saturn’s twelfth-part is in the 10th, so overall we see a particularly Mercury-Saturn orientation for career and personality. She could possibly be an appraiser or tax assessor. Venus is relevant for actions but she has only triplicity at X, no rulership at I, and a twelfth-part in XII. Therefore, Venus is much less relevant than Mercury.

Summary

In short, the character and career indications for Houston are very different in the sidereal zodiac and much less compelling. Note that some of the predictive examples I gave in my other articles also don’t hold because of the different house and rulership arrangements.

Whitney Houston’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Death and Directions

Directing through the bounds is a zodiac-dependent predictive technique. It is one of the oldest and most popular uses of primary directions. I have noted in past articles the importance of the Sun-Saturn opposition in the timing of Houston’s death at age 48. It was activated by planetary years, profections, and more. I have also looked at the death in terms of primary directions, including those through the bounds of the tropical zodiac.

Tropical Distributor: Ascendant -> Saturn

The distributor of the Ascendant, pertaining to personal circumstances, during the period of her death (on Feb. 11, 2012) was Saturn. It would have been followed by a Mars period. The two final malefic bounds was considered particularly challenging. Saturn as distributor is particularly relevant given the other predictive indications concerning Saturn at death.

Houston’s Tropical Ascendant Distributors – Death at Age 48

Sidereal Distributor: Ascendant -> Venus

By contrast, the distributor of the Ascendant in the sidereal zodiac is Venus. This fails to adequately capture the role of Saturn in the death.

Houston’s Sidereal Ascendant Distributors – Death at Age 48

Ex. 4: Karl Marx

I’ve previously addressed Karl Marx’s natal chart in terms of career, character, atheism, and some additional topics. Please see my article on him. The birth time of Karl Marx is from his official birth record (given a Rodden Rating of AA for accuracy). His rising sign is Aquarius in both tropical and sidereal astrology. Therefore, Saturn rules the 1st house either way. However, every planet except Venus occupies a different house of the chart sidereally than tropically. Therefore, the zodiac choice largely determines their topical associations.

Tropical – Focus on Money’s Dark Side

The Ascendant lord, Saturn, is in II, the house of money. This puts a personal focus on identifying with this out of sect Saturn in the house of money. Additionally, the bound of Mars rises and the twelfth-part of Mars is also in II, reinforcing the aforesaid indication. Mars itself is in the 6th of labor. Additionally, Jupiter rules the 2nd and naturally rules money (and spirituality), and Jupiter is in the 12, a dark place, ruled by Saturn. Therefore, we see a personal focus on money matters (2nd and Jupiter) with strongly malefic associations.

I noted this strong back and forth relationship between Jupiter and Saturn over money matters in my article on Marx. Another consequence of Jupiter in the 12th and malefics in a sign of Jupiter is the lack of spiritual faith. However, the identification with Saturn in both tropical and sidereal charts tends toward doubt anyway.

Karl Marx’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Sidereal – Focus on Self and Career but Positive Money Associations

In the sidereal chart there is a still a strong identification with Saturn, as well as Mercury. Saturn is in the 1st house, as is the twelfth-part of the Ascendant. Therefore, there is a strong emphasis on the self, body, or identity, and difficulty associated with these things (out of sect Saturn).

As in the tropical chart, there is an association between friends and benefits (11th ruled by Jupiter). However, in the sidereal chart we find immense positive indication regarding Jupiter in terms of both natural significations and those concerning money. Jupiter is in its joy in the 11th, with the twelfth-part of the Sun, and dominating the 2nd house which it rules. Jupiter’s twelfth-part is in the 7th house, signifying fortune in partnership.

Identification is still primarily with Saturn and Mercury so we wouldn’t necessarily expect spiritual faith. However, Mars no longer dominates the 9th and Jupiter is overall more benefic, so it less pronounced.

Money Matters

We especially wouldn’t expect negative associations with money. The house of money is brimming with positive indications in Marx’s sidereal chart. Marx was notoriously critical of the wealthy and capitalism in his lifetime and notoriously bad with money. He actually lived in very impoverished circumstances through much of his later life despite a wealthy upbringing and frequent loans from wealthy friends. The sidereal chart doesn’t adequately capture these facets of his life.

Karl Marx’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Note on Twelfth-Parts

As we are more than halfway through the chart examples, I want to point out something about the efficacy of the twelfth-parts. I have noted previously the importance of the twelfth-parts. On the site, they have been used them in a variety of contexts to show that they are useful in all chart work. Interestingly, I’ve also pointed out that the twelfth-parts are almost as old as the zodiac itself, being used in Babylonian astrology prior to their use in Hellenistic astrology. A couple readers have questioned the use of the twelfth-parts with the tropical zodiac given that they were initially used with the Babylonian zodiac.

In the chart examples, I have consistently shown how the tropical zodiac and its twelfth-parts provide superior information when compared with the sidereal chart and its twelfth-parts. Hellenistic and medieval astrologers who used the tropical zodiac extolled the virtues of the twelfth-parts. On empirical grounds alone, they are a necessity for accurate chart work.

Divisions of Space-Time Not of Stars or Seasons

The twelfth-parts are a symbolic division much like the zodiac itself. The zodiac was not designed to exactly correspond to the constellations of stars nor to the seasons, but to roughly correlate both (see Part III). It corresponds to regular periods of space-time which have associations derived from the constellations and seasons roughly coinciding with them at its inception. The division of the ecliptic circle into 12 equal signs and the division of those signs into a micro zodiac of 12 equal signs are not dependent on either constellations or seasons as a basis. Constellations vary dramatically in size and seasons vary by locale. Conceptually, the twelfth-parts, as microcosmic divisions, fit equally well in either zodiac.

Bounds

It is similar with the bounds. In recent decades, it has become clear that the so-called Egyptian bounds are actually of Babylonian origin. The bounds are also symbolic divisions of the zodiac. They are not dependent upon or based upon star clusters, nor on subdivision of the seasonal calendar. As signs are houses, bounds are like rooms. Each of the five non-luminaries rules a bound in each sign with a malefic always ruling the final bound. Additionally, each planet rules the same number of degrees as its Greater Years. Despite the fact that the logic behind the exact assignment of bounds has been lost, there appear to be some other internal consistencies to the bound ordering. A rationale based on specific stars of the natures of the bound rulers, akin to Indian Nakshatras, has not been argued.

Ex. 5: Dalai Lama XIV

I’m going to switch gears and look at a couple religious charts. I’ve previously analyzed 12 charts in terms of religious belief, using Hellenistic principles, working toward a special technique. One of the most important things noted when it comes to skepticism is identification with Mercury and/or Saturn, as well as unpleasant associations with Jupiter. On the other hand, religious charts tend to have Jupiter prominent in some way, some identification with Jupiter, and some strong connections between self and 9th house matters.

While a Saturnine 9th house associates religion with weight, burden, obligation, and even exile. we have found that with religious leaders it is not that unusual if it also has strong ties to the self and Jupiter. I’ve previously analyzed the Dalai Lama’s chart in this regard.

Note on Questionable Birth Data

The Dalai Lama’s birth information had been given a Rodden Rating of A (from biographical account) at the time that the initial article on him was written. However, it has been revised to a C rating more recently due to some conflicting accounts. Therefore, caution should be taken with the chart and this example can be skipped by those who disregard C-rated data.

Tropical – Strong Jupiter Water Emphasis connected to Self and 9th House

The Dalai Lama has a tricky chart for belief because of the position of Saturn, planet of doubt, in the 9th house (both tropically and sidereally). Also, the Moon applies an opposition to Saturn. However, in the tropical chart we see Jupiter playing a major role.

Jupiter

Jupiter is exalted in the 1st house of self, showing an identification with Jupiter. It rules the 9th house so it has a strong influence over matters of belief. Additionally, Jupiter’s twelfth-part is with that of Mercury in the 10th house of authority and actions, connecting it to the profession, teaching/lecturing, and recognition. Jupiter is very prominent. It is advancing in the fortunate 5th house and stationing direct within days of birth. Therefore, Jupiter pervasively characterizes life circumstances.

Jupiter overcomes Saturn and the 9th house by trine, and is itself overcome by the Sun which applies a trine from the first house within a degree. In this it has an ameliorating influence upon the adversity of Saturn and is fortunately influenced by the Sun, indicating recognition and leadership.

Summary

The negative indications associated with belief and foreign powers are apparent in the chart. They pertain to exile and issues with his homeland. However, the identification with the Moon and Jupiter put a strong focus on the 9th and 3rd houses as well as the pervasive role of Jupiter.

Dalai Lama XIV’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Sidereal – Mercurial Air Emphasis

The sidereal chart shifts the emphasis to Mercury, Mars, the Sun, and air signs. We lose the identification with Jupiter and the connection of Jupiter to the 9th. Jupiter is still prominent in the 5th house. However, Jupiter is no longer associated with the self (1st house) nor the 9th house. Jupiter’s twelfth-part is in the dark 12th house while Saturn is in the 9th house of God and rules there. The primary identification is with intellectual Mercury.

Dalai Lama XIV’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Rational and Critical Outlook on Spirituality

All of this implies immense focus on rationality and a much more critical view of religion and spirituality. The Ascendant is an idea-oriented air sign, ruled by Mercury, occupied by Mercury and its twelfth-part. Rationality overload! The Sun and twelfth-part Mars are also both there showing a tendency toward a choleric belligerence. Venus rules the rising bound and is in the 3rd with the Moon but so is the twelfth-part of Saturn. Again, the stress is on doubt and materiality.

The sidereal chart fails to capture the fact that this person’s identity is tied up with religion and spirituality.

Ex. 6: Pope Francis I

The birth information for Pope Francis I is AA-rated for accuracy. The Pope’s chart is very similar to that of the Dalai Lama (above). Both have the Venus bound of Cancer rising, Saturn in the 9th ruled by Jupiter, and a prominent Jupiter (in VII).

Pope Francis I’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Note on Southern Hemisphere

I’ve been told by a critic that the tropical zodiac does not work for the southern hemisphere. The logic is that some of the sign associations derive from the seasonal cycle of the northern mid-latitudes where Hellenistic astrology originated. Therefore, one might conclude that the sign meanings are dependent upon the seasons of a given place. By that logic, the tropical zodiac should be flipped when working in the southern hemisphere, at least in terms of things like domicile and exaltation relationships that reflect the seasons.

However, the seasonal associations are symbolic metaphors, not dependencies. Astrologers from Australia, South America, and the rest of the southern hemisphere regularly use the tropical zodiac with great results.

Note on Dignity

One reader, Theo, argued that Pope Francis’ chart convincingly shows that the tropical zodiac is inferior. He argued this because Jupiter is in Capricorn, its fall. By contrast, in the sidereal chart, it is in Sagittarius, its domicile, and with the Sun, which promises honors.

However, I have long argued that astrologers over rely on sign dignity. Sign dignity is a common factor rather than a particularizing one. Everyone born within about a one year period will have Jupiter in the same sign. It does not serve to define them as such. For instance, it doesn’t make everyone born with Jupiter in Capricorn a cynic. The problems with over-reliance on dignity do not magically go away by switching to the sidereal zodiac.

Sun-Jupiter Antiscia

Jupiter is actually very strongly connected to the Sun in the tropical chart. Jupiter and the Sun are antiscia each other within a degree, which has the force of a conjunction. Additionally, Jupiter rules the Sun. These indications connect Jupiter with the recognition and leadership significations of the Sun. Antiscia by degree is a symmetry relationship about defining points of the tropical zodiac (solstices for antiscia and equinoxes for contra-antiscia). As such it is not a relationship that is typically apparent to siderealists.

Pope Francis I’s Tropical Natal Chart with Antiscia Positions (outside wheel)

Tropical – Mercury-Jupiter 9th and 7th House Emphasis for Actions

Let’s turn back to the tropical chart with twelfth-parts. We find Mercury, Mars, and Jupiter as pertinent to actions or occupation. Mercury is particularly relevant because it is strongly advancing (conjunct the Dsc), in phasis, and in an eligible place. Jupiter and Mercury are angular and together, as well as in each other’s bounds, connecting them strongly with the profession and with each other. This pertains to religious teaching, religious thought, and the like.

Mercury and Jupiter are both ruled by Saturn which is in the 9th house, Pisces, ruled by Jupiter. Therefore, there is a strong relationship indicated between the roles of Mercury, Jupiter, Saturn, and the 9th house in the profession.

Mars is in the 4th, an angle or stake, and is in sect. It rules the 10th and has its twelfth-part in the 11th house, closely with Mercury. I have noted that Mars is rather common as one professional indicator in charts of popes. Mars shows a competitiveness and its connection with Mercury connects it with thought, writing, and analysis.

Pope Francis I’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Sidereal – Mercury-Jupiter 7th House Emphasis for Actions

For the tropical chart, I noted how there is a strong relationship between Jupiter in the 7th and Saturn in the 9th, as they rule each other. This linked the career to the 9th house of God more specifically. In the sidereal chart the link to the 9th house is tenuous.

Pope Francis I’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Mercury is far and away the most relevant planet of actions, with even stronger indications than in the tropical chart. Mercury is also very strongly linked with Jupiter and the Sun due to being with them and their twelfth-parts while ruled by Jupiter. However, the 9th house and Saturn are not strongly associated with those indications. Additionally, the twelfth-part of Mars is in the 9th house.

Hater of Religion?

As Saturn is in the 9th with the twelfth-part of Mars, and Saturn rules the 9th, there is little suggestion of anything other than dislike (negative associations) for spiritual aspects of the 9th house. The 9th is characterized by Saturn and Mars (oppression and aggression). By contrast, Jupiter’s benefits are focused especially on the 7th house (partners, sexuality), and also the 10th house (career), and 2nd house (money). Jupiter suggests marriage and career related benefits. The association with Mercury without a strong connection to a search for truth (9th) makes commerce particularly relevant.

The 9th House and Jupiter-Saturn

Does Saturn in the 9th reflect this Pope’s belief system? The strong interplay between Jupiter-Saturn, the 7th and the 9th, is not just appropriate to the Pope’s circumstances, it is spot-on. Not only do these things connect the 9th with the more spiritual indications of Jupiter, they also pertain to poverty, asceticism, and challenges that arise in relation to marriage and sexuality.

Pope of the Poor

This Pope has been active in fighting poverty and economic inequality as key issues to the point that many have accused him of being Marxist (see Marx’s own Saturn in Pisces in the 2nd above). He has stated that the Christian flag is that of the poor and that poverty is central to the gospel. Francis has embraced asceticism and like all popes has renounced marriage. Pope Francis is also sympathetic to atheists and those that believe in other faiths. He has stated that good deeds, particularly those that help the less fortunate, redeem one through Jesus, even if one is a nonbeliever or of another faith.

Challenges Pertaining to Sex and Marriage

Additionally, a Saturn ruled 7th in the 9th suggests religious difficulty (9th Saturn) associated with sexuality and marriage (7th). Sexual scandals involving pedophilia continue to plague the Catholic church under the Pope’s watch. Criticism of priestly vows of celibacy has also come to the fore. The Pope’s greatest challenges are likely to pertain to his handling of issues of sex and marriage. These associations are lost in the sidereal chart which does not strongly link Jupiter and Saturn together for 9th house matters.

Pope Francis I’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Self-Identification, Water, the Moon, and Jupiter

The Pope also has some identification with Jupiter in the tropical chart as Jupiter is exalted at the Ascendant. By contrast, in the sidereal chart the main identification is with Mercury, planet of rationality. The Moon and water signs are also pivotal for temperament and character in the tropical chart. She rules the 1st house and has her twelfth-part there. The Moon is the Sect Light and is itself conjunct the twelfth-part of Jupiter, further linking it to Jupiter’s indications. The watery, lunar, jovial temperament is humane, sensitive, cheerful, and popular. By contrast, the sidereal temperament indications are for one who is airy and mercurial; a consummate aloof intellectual.

Pope Francis I’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Recap

With the chart of Pope Francis I, we see that even in the southern hemisphere the tropical zodiac is the most effective. The tropical zodiac not only shows us the role of a Mercury-Jupiter combination in the career, as the sidereal zodiac does, but it also connects that career with the self and the search for truth (9th house). Importantly, it also helps to describe the nature of belief in a more nuanced manner and its relation to other areas of life.

Ex. 7: Kurt Cobain

My final example is that of Kurt Cobain. His birth data is AA-rated for accuracy. I’ll be comparing career and character indications again. He has Virgo rising in the tropical zodiac, with 4 planets in Pisces in VII. In the sidereal zodiac he has Leo rising with only Mercury and the Sun in Aquarius in VII.

Character – Tropical: Earthy Temperament with Watery Mercury-Venus Complexity

In the tropical zodiac, Kurt’s Ascendant is in the Jupiter bound of Virgo, a relatively down-to-earth (earth sign) but playful (Mercury-Jupiter) position. Mercury, the Ascendant lord, is in Pisces, most closely with Venus, but also with Saturn and the Sun (and the Sun’s twelfth-part). This connects the identity as a mouthpiece (Mercury) but subjective and emotive (water) with the arts strongly tied to the identity (Venus co-present and the exalted ruler), and with close associations with hardship and depression (Saturn) as well as fame, recognition, and the “lyre” (the Sun).

Kurt Cobain’s Tropical Natal Chart twelfth parts (outside wheel)

Character – Sidereal: Fiery-Airy Mercurial Temperament

In the sidereal zodiac, the Mars bound of Leo rises. Mars and the Sun bring a choleric or pushy temperament. However, the Sun is in Aquarius and with a very strong Mercury so the overall tendency is toward more intellectualism. There is no doubt that Kurt was very Mercurial, and this shows in both charts. Though the sidereal shows much more focus, direction, and clarity than the tropical, suggesting a more intellectual orientation. Fixed signs tend to linearly focused, and Aquarius, ruled by Saturn, is rather detached, while Leo is showy.

Kurt Cobain’s Sidereal Natal Chart with rwelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Venus is no longer tied strongly to the identity, nor is water. So we don’t get the same sense of confusion and synthesis (mutability), the arts (Venus), and the personal or emotional (water).

Profession – Tropical: Mercury with Venus-Saturn-Sun

In the tropical chart, Mercury is the most relevant of the planets of actions. It is in the eligible 7th place, it rules the 1st and 10th, and it is conjunct the Descendant (strongly advancing). Mercury is also with the Sun and receiving the application of the Moon. However, Venus is with Mercury and she also very relevant for actions as she strongly advances in the eligible 7th and has her twelfth-part in the 5th. Mars and its twelfth-part are in the 3rd so they are not so relevant.

Kurt Cobain’s Tropical Natal Chart twelfth parts (outside wheel)

The Mercury-Venus combination was discussed already with Jimi Hendrix (above). It combines vocals and composition (Mercury) with art (Venus). With the Sun present it can pertain also to guitar and to recognition or fame. In the tropical zodiac we see a close link with Venus (arts, love) and Saturn (struggle, depression). These themes and the Piscean mutability, water, and link with fame (ruled by Jupiter in XI, Sun present) all strongly express career circumstances.

Profession – Sidereal: Mercury with Sun

Mercury is the planet of actions in the sidereal chart as well. Venus still has relevance to actions as she is in the 8th and she rules the 10th. The strong link between Mercury and Venus is lacking though so their significations don’t readily combine. The solar link with Mercury is more pronounced as the Sun rules the Ascendant signifying identification with the heroic Sun. Mercury with the Sun represents a strong skill linked with that solar mission. A visionary solar-Mercurial quality to the profession is possible, though things appear more intellectual or political (Mercury-Sun, airy and fiery) than pertaining to emotional expressive arts.

Kurt Cobain’s Sidereal Natal Chart with rwelfth-parts (outside wheel)

The tropical chart reveals more of the emotional and artistic quality as well as many of the contradictions. From the vacillating mutability to the contrast between a self-deprecating earth-water temperament and an immense drive for fame (Sun with personal and career factors). Saturn (hardship, depression) is connected to Venus in both charts but Saturn’s connection to the personality and main planet of actions (Mercury) is more direct in the tropical chart.

Part II: Logic

The Geocentric Logic of the Tropical Zodiac

Upon meditating on this matter for some time, I’ve come to understand the greater logic of the tropical zodiac. Astrological symbolism is geocentric. The indications of the chart are always relative to a specific time and place on Earth.

The ecliptic is the road or path of the wandering stars. A twelve sign zodiac is a regular meaningful way of dividing this road symbolically in accordance with numerical symbolism and the twelve month calendar. We can slice such that a certain star or stars coincide with a key spot in this division and that will produce the sidereal zodiac. However, a more geocentric strategy is to divide the road of the planets according to its intersection with the road of the Earth, the equator.

Equator as the Road of the Earth

From a common perspective we think of the Earth as a top, spinning with the south side down. However, there is no intrinsic up or down. The assigning of up to north is relatively arbitrary. The Earth is just as much rolling like a ball as spinning like a top, depending on perspective.

It is rolls on a path marked out by the plane of the celestial equator. The equator is the path or road of the Earth, much like the ecliptic is that of the wandering stars. The intersection of these roads marks the equinoctial points. Their maximum divergence marks the solstitial points. If we are to divide the space-time of the planetary road, then from a geocentric perspective there is no more perfect set of reference points than its intersection with the the equatorial road of the Earth.

Intersection of the Equator and Ecliptic (public domain)

The Sidereal Zodiac Disregards the Earth-Ecliptic Relationship

By contrast, the sidereal zodiac much more arbitrarily divides the road of the planets into regular sections to overlay irregular groupings of stars. The division is divorced from the path of the Earth (equator). Understandably, there is controversy regarding where the slices should be made in the sidereal zodiac as different stars can be used as the key reference star. Additionally, the sidereal zodiac is superfluous when it comes to studying the direct interaction of planets with stars and constellations. We can study the motion of the planets against the stars independently from the zodiac.

Origins and Feature-Bundles

The zodiacal signs are associated with the characteristics of the constellations and seasonal periods which coincided with them around the time and locale of its birth. In my article on the signs, I’ve referred to these characteristics as the “feature bundles” of the signs. I’ve also pointed out that the more critical of those features are derived from the seasonal or tropical cycle than the constellations themselves.

However, the zodiac doesn’t depend on the constellations or seasons for its meaning. It derived associations from constellations and seasons from the time and place of the assigning of those associations. The origin of the zodiac’s associations lies in the northern hemisphere at a time when both tropical and sidereal zodiacs roughly coincided. These original symbolic roots are still embedded in its meanings. This parallels how our own origins (birth chart) are embedded in the associations which pertain to the circumstances of our lives.

Part III: History

Hellenistic astrology arose at a time when both zodiacs nearly approximated each other. The zodiacs coincided exactly in the early 3rd century CE (about 220 CE per the Fagan-Bradley ayanamsha). The bulk of Hellenistic material on the qualities of the signs is from the first few centuries CE. There is evidence that in some locales a shift to a tropical standard was already underway by the 5th century BCE. Additionally, Geminos advocated for the tropical zodiac in the 1st century BCE for reasons independent of precession. He made no mention of precession in his arguments.

Despite awareness of the sidereal zodiac and the shifting of the constellations, Ptolemy advocated for a switch to a tropical standard in the 2nd century CE. This was very early on in the western tradition. His arguments were successful. The tropical zodiac became the de facto standard for most traditional western astrology thereafter.

Babylonian Zodiac Origins

The twelve sign zodiac is a Babylonian innovation, though much of its associative meanings (feature-bundles) came about during the Hellenistic period. In approximately the 5th century BCE we see our first evidence of a standard zodiac with twelve signs of 30 degrees.

The Babylonian regular zodiac was undoubtedly intended to be sidereal. Two competing Babylonian standards for fixing the zodiac arose around that time. From System A, one standard put the vernal equinox at 10° Aries. From System B, the other standard put the vernal equinox at 8° Aries. These standards arose at about the same time (System B shortly after System A) and were both used throughout the whole of the use of the regular zodiac in Babylonian astrology. However, the Babylonian zodiac was sidereally fixed such that updated tables of computed planetary positions tended to account for precession, despite lack of knowledge of precession.

Development of the Babylonian Zodiac

The development of the zodiac was preceded by the long-standing use of zodiacal constellations and their boundaries. This was the original zodiac of the constellations. There was also a long-standing use of stars in the belt of the ecliptic as points of reference (Normal Stars).

However, the the Babylonian constellations of the ecliptic numbered 18 (occasionally two are combined to make 17) and were irregular in size. The regularizing of the zodiac into 12 equal segmets was preceded by the development of an “ideal” 12 month calendar of 30 days per month. This calendar was correlated with the twelve sets of (the more than twelve) constellations which the Sun traveled through during various months. As the vernal equinox was significant for the beginning of the Babylonian year, the first month was assigned to when the Sun was in the constellation now known as Aries (then known as the hired man).

Therefore, there was from the beginning a consideration for correlating the ideal seasonal calendar with twelve groupings of constellations. Also, note that the zodiacal constellations of the Babylonians included many familiar ones but also some that were different. The Greek astronomers, particularly Eudoxus in the 4th century BCE, gave them their familiar twelve forms.

Calendar to Zodiac

One can posit the following steps in the development of the zodiac, although it must be said that our knowledge of how the zodiac was first devised is provisional. The division of the schematic calendar into 12 months of 30 days each […] could be correlated with twelve constellations through which the sun was found to travel in a one ideal “year” of twelve 30-day months. Because the spring equinox, which was always close to the beginning of the Babylonian year, was to occur in Nisannu (I.15 according to the tradition of MUL.APIN), then Nisannu, or month I, was when the sun was in the constellation Aries […] (Rochberg, 2004, p. 129)

Note the much older association between the spring equinox and the 15th day of the first month. This association predates the actual creation of the regular 12 sign zodiac. However, this association may be the source for the Alexandrian scheme that I mentioned in my article on sign symmetry. This is an older Babylonian association of the equinox with the mid-point of the first month, at a time when the Sun would be in the constellation Aries.

Importance of the Equinox

As noted, even before the advent of the regular zodiac, the equinox was significant in the Babylonian calendar (marking the 15th day of the 1st month). The position of the equinoxes and solstices continued to be a matter of central importance in late Babylonian horoscopy as well.

Solar phenomena incorporated within horoscopes are the longitude of the sun at the time of birth, the date of either solstice or equinox within a month or two of the birth date, and the occurrence of a solar eclipse within the year of birth. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 133)

Earliest Appearance of the Zodiac

The earliest direct evidence for the existence of the zodiac comes from fifth-century astronomical texts […] in which positions of the planets are cited with terminology used with respect to zodiacal signs as opposed to zodiacal constellations. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

Rochberg noted that there is also some indirect evidence of the use of zodiacal signs in the early 5th century BCE.

The phenomena computed in these texts can be dated with relative certainty to 475 B.C., although the writing of the tablets was certainly much later. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

Names Not Constellations

The segments of longitude were given the names of the constellations but the real purpose of this sidereal zodiac was to compute exact positions. The signs were not simply the constellations. Constellations greatly vary in terms of size on the ecliptic with some encroaching on signs named for different constellations.

Although the names of the zodiacal signs derived from an original relation to the zodiacal constellations, once the signs were defined by longitude rather than the constellation they ceased to have any real relation to the constellations and became a mathematical reference system, representing the 360 of the ecliptic, counted from some defined starting point. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 128)

Lack of Recognition of Precession

Furthermore, there were two standards for the whole of Babylonian use of the zodiac over multiple centuries; the 8 and 10 degree Aries standards. This shows that the Babylonians didn’t recognize precession.

In mathematical astronomical texts, the equinoxes and solstices were also normed sidereally at 10 Aries in System A and 8 Aries in System B. That the cardinal points of the year do not correspond to the zero points of the appropriate signs in the Babylonian zodiac is a result of the sidereal (rather than the tropical) construction of the zodiac. The two systems of Babylonian mathematical astronomy maintained the two norming points throughout the period of their use. As Neugebauer pointed out, neither the chronological relation between Systems A and B norms nor the reason for their difference is understood. That both vernal-point longitudes remained sidereally fixed, however, proves precession was not recognized. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 132)

Where to Start

Many have sought to identify the key original reference stars for the Babylonian zodiac. However, most attempts to do so are based on evidence that precedes the actual creation of the twelve sign regular zodiac. There were certainly reference stars used in other contexts for observational data that preceded the signs by many centuries. Computing relationships between those reference stars and other observed phenomena such as an equinox, one can construct a pseudo twelve sign zodiac as it might have hypothetically appeared if the zodiac had existed then.

Indirect evidence has also been used, but not often very credibly. For instance, correspondences between calendrics and the stars can be used, or calendrics and the equinox. For instance, the equinox on the 15th day of the first month in a given age may be taken as similar to putting the equinox at the mid-point of the first sign in that age. However, such inferences can be only hypothetical when there is no evidence for the use of regular sign-based zodiac in that age.

No Clear Ayanamsha

Unfortunately, when it comes to the regular twelve sign zodiac and the two Babylonian standards, scholars have been clear that no norming star has yet been found. Claims have been made but refuted by leading scholars.

More precisely, however, we still cannot establish the star that originally served as norming point for the ecliptic. Even were we to assume the vernal point was determined correctly when it was assigned to 10° then 8° Aries, the corresponding dates of these zodiacal norming points cannot be pinpointed, as we do not sufficiently understand the ancient methods to obtain those values. Comparison against modern values for the longitudes of equinoxes is therefore uninformative for this purpose. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 133)

Hellenistic Use of System B

System B was influential upon early Hellenistic astrologers. Some early Hellenistic astrologers, like Thrasyllus (late 1st century BCE to early 1st century CE) used Babylonian System B. These astrologers explicitly advocated for placing the equinox at 8° Aries. For instance, see the doctrines attributed to Thrasyllus in Vol. X of the Hellenistic Track by Project Hindsight p. 57-58. It is said that Thrasyllus advocated placing the equinox at 8° Aries rather than 0° Aries. This suggests there were astrologers in his time that used the tropical zodiac.

Furthermore, it is unclear whether some of the astrologers like Thrasyllus who set the equinox at 8° Aries were truly using a sidereal or tropical reference point. The Babylonian norming point is lost to history, and the strong reference to the equinox at 8° Aries suggests that the equinox was taken up as a norming point by some astrologers (a type of tropical zodiac). Updated Babylonian tables might have reflected positions with greater sidereal accuracy if available to the astrologer. However, computations from the equinox common among Greek astronomers, would result in a tropical zodiac, defined with respect to the equinox, albeit with the equinox set at 8° Aries.

The tropical zodiac was within only a few degrees of the sidereal zodiac during this time period. By contrast, an offset tropical zodiac in which the System B value for the equinox (8 Aries) was used to compute positions would be 5-8 degrees from the sidereal zodiac of the 5th century BCE Babylonians, as well as most major sidereal zodiacs advocated today (including Fagan-Bradley).

Valens

It is well known that Vettius Valens was one of the Hellenistic astrologers who adopted an 8° Aries vernal equinox from System B (and rising times from System A). However, Valens appears to have had access to updated Babylonian tables as his values are typically only a few degrees error (few degrees greater) than modern computed tropical values. Valens operated in the late 2nd century CE when the tropical and sidereal zodiacs almost exactly coincided. At that time a siderealist would’ve been better off starting the zodiac with the vernal equinox, as the two matched up within a degree in his time. However, astrologers were not aware of precession and simply used whatever tables were available for finding planetary positions, while assuming the equinox was at 8° Aries. By consequence, many of his positions are in the wrong sign by today’s tropical and sidereal standards.

Precession

A sidereal zodiac must be referenced by a star rather than the equinox, or it will accumulate error due to precession. Hipparchus is known to have discovered precession in the 2nd century BCE, after the advent of the zodiac. Hipparchus estimated precession to be at least 1 degree every 100 years (now known to be a degree very 72 years). Therefore, if System B put the vernal equinox at sidereal 8° Aries in say 432 BCE, it would correspond to 2 Aries in 0 CE. This is because 360 years is equivalent to 72 times 6, representing a 6 degree shift relative to the equinox. Therefore, Hellenistic astrologers of the 1st through 4th centuries using a standard from System B but withthe equinox as norming point would be using a zodiac with a huge error of 5-10 degrees.

A Matter of Convenience

The finding that some Hellenistic astrologers thought they were using a sidereal zodiac does not strongly support the position that we should use a sidereal zodiac for Hellenistic astrology. Those astrologers likely thought they were using a zodiac that was both sidereal and tropical. They used an outdated Babylonian standard without knowledge of precession. Some astrologers with access to them used updated Babylonian tables which would over time account for some of the effect of precession.

It is also likely that some astrologers simply used the equinox at 8° Aries as a norming point resulting in a type of tropical zodiac, though one offset 8 degrees from the familiar one. That appears to be the implication in the Thrasyllus fragments and the account of Geminos (see below). In conclusion, for Hellenistic astrologers unaware of precession the zodiac was fixed both tropically and sidereally. The matter of computing zodiacal position was one of convenience owing to the mathematical sophistication involved and the availability of tables.

Tropical Zodiac Origins

It is often believed that Ptolemy came up with the tropical zodiac in the 2nd century CE. The tropical zodiac has actually been around since the 5th century BCE. Furthermore, Geminos of the 1st century BCE, whose work contained some limited astrological doctrines, explicitly and vehemently advocated for the use of a tropical zodiac and against the 8° Aries standard in no uncertain terms.

Geminos

The two solstices and the two equinoxes occur, in the way of thinking of the Greek astronomers, in the first degrees of these signs; but in the way of thinking of the Chaldeans, they occur in the eighth degrees of these signs. The days on which the two solstices and the two equinoxes occur are the same days in all places, because the equinox occurs in all places at one time, and similarly the solstice. An again, the points on the circle of the signs at which the two solstices and the two equinoxes occur are exactly the same points for all astronomers. There is no difference between the Greeks and the Chaldeans except in the division of the signs, since the first points of the signs are not subject to the same convention for them; among the Chaldeans, they precede by 8 degrees. Thus, the summer solstitial point, according to the practice of the Greeks, is in the first part of Cancer; but according to the practice of the Chaldeans, in the eighth degree. the case goes similarly for the remaining points. (Geminos, Ch. I, #9, Evans & Berggren trans., 2006, p. 115)

Almost as Old as the Sidereal Zodiac

It has been attested that the Babylonian regular zodiac of twelve signs entered into Greece very soon after it appeared in Babylon in the 5th century BCE. There is in fact evidence for the use of the tropical zodiac among the Greeks as early as the late 5th century according to renowned historian of science, Otto Neugebauer. Please note that the early 5th century provides the first evidence for the Babylonian regular sidereal zodiac, less than a century earlier.

We know from Hipparchus that the majority of the “old” mathematicians divided the ecliptic in this form. This statement agrees with sources still available to us; Euctemon (about -430) placed all four cardinal points on the “first day” of the respective signs. The same norm holds for Callippus (about -330) and is underlying the era of Dionysius (beginning -284/3). As far as we know this norm is attested nowhere in Babylonian astronomy. (Neugebauer, 2012, p. 600)

Almagest

The tropical zodiac became the de facto standard for western traditional astrology as a result of Ptolemy’s Almagest (2nd century CE). Ptolemy’s work was the state-of-the-art for astronomy of the day, and he was also an astrologer. Building upon Babylonian records, work done by Hipparchus (2nd century BCE) on precession, and a thorough understanding of the relevant math, Ptolemy constructed the most advance geocentric model of the heavens of the ancient world. Most later Hellenistic astrologers familiar with his work were confronted by the realities of precession and found his arguments for the adoption of the tropical zodiac to be compelling. However, in the Perso-Arabic period, noted for both Hellenistic, Indian, and Persian influences, there continued to be some back-and-forth between astrologers using tropical and sidereal calculations.

Further Reading

For further reading on the historical matters of the zodiac in early Hellenistic astrology, please see Rob Hand’s excellent article, “On the Invariance of the Tropical Zodiac“. I also recommend Francesca Rochberg’s book, The Heavenly Writing. for details regarding Mesopotamian astrology. For a really deep dive into the history of astrology and astronomy, see the History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy by Otto Neugebauer. Also see the Almagest by Ptolemy for a look at his arguments regarding precession and the tropical zodiac.

Part IV: Epilogue

Skepticism and Experimentation

Arguably, if it weren’t for the tropical zodiac, I would’ve never studied astrology. I’m a skeptical individual. When I was about 15 years old, I had a running joke of asking new people I’d meet their Sun sign. It was a joke because I didn’t believe in astrology at all. I thought people who believed in astrology were ridiculously naive. However, I was a bit of an oddball with a dark sense of humor. Somehow I found it perversely amusing to collect this strange information from people and observe their reactions to the question.

Women Under Watery Suns

Fast forward one year and things started to get weird, particularly as concerns women who had their Sun in a water sign. Maybe it has to do with my own Moon-Venus conjunction in water, but I started to notice a common “vibe” among women with a water sign Sun. I could also often pick up on the subtle ways the water signs differed. When I correctly guessed the Sun signs of two Scorpios and one Cancer on first encounter with them the damage was done. I knew there was something there that I was picking up on and that there was some validity to astrology. My world has not been the same since.

Astro-Junky #7

Being a thinking person, I constructed my own elaborate theories on the meanings of Sun signs and how astrology worked. I also read everything I could on it. Books on Sun-Moon combinations were consumed, then ones on the rising sign, then those on the whole chart. I even took a cassette audio course on natal astrology. With every volume of Noel Tyl’s “The Principles and Practice of Astrology”, I made flash cards for every configuration.

Unfortunately, like many who come to modern astrology, I began uncritically adopting all of the common metaphysical assumptions. The chart was a map of the soul. Transits and progressions represented actual movements and events in the soul, whether or not we were aware of them or they actually manifested. Jungian psychology provided the key to understanding the chart. Meditation, psychedelics, and the law of attraction provided the keys to cleaning up the opaque psychic machinery so it could become a sparkling jewel of bliss.

Energies vs. Personalities

So, what’s the point of this long discussion of my juvenile obsession with psychological astrology? Yes, I was naive, and my path was cliched, but that’s not the point. The point is that I’m not alone. Many come to astrology due to some subtle direct encounter with the “vibe” or “energy” of the tropical signs of the zodiac. Those who pay attention can pick up on these “vibes” particularly as they concern the tropical sign rising and that of the sect light (Sun by day; Moon by night). Intuitive encounters with the “energies” of these signs has helped immensely with the popularity of modern western astrology. This is especially so when it comes to the popularity of Sun, Moon, and Ascendant sign astrology.

Where Modern Astrology Gets It Wrong

Hold up. I’m not saying that modern western astrology has things right. I strongly believe that the chart is not a map of the psyche with planets as its functions. In hindsight, all these water sign women had day charts with a water sign Sun as Sect Light. They also had very different personalities even when they shared the same Sun sign and its vibe. Things like introversion vs. extroversion, level of aggression, intellectualism, professional inclinations, preferences, and moral compasses were often vastly different. An amorphous “vibe” and a core personality are not the same thing.

Narrative Elements vs. Mapped Landmarks

I actually believe it is reckless to confuse the Sun in a chart for the ego, or even a personality “center”. This is not to say that the Sun doesn’t pertain to egotism nor that the Sun can’t be a powerful factor for symbolizing a person’s personality. It can symbolize such things in a systematic manner and ancient astrology tells us when and how. However, a “vibe” that is occasionally apparent with some people does not entail a thing that is always there but deeply repressed when that “vibe” is not apparent. I could go on but this is a topic for another time and another article.

Conclusion

The primary reason to use the tropical zodiac is that it produces better results. When applying Hellenistic and early medieval techniques, we get more information out of the tropical signs and their divisions, including the bounds and twelfth-parts. This holds whether we are finding significators of special topics, such as character or profession, as well as when looking at associated themes. Furthermore, its is effective in the southern hemisphere, so indications are not dependent on the specific nature of the seasons as some have claimed.

The tropical zodiac is also the more logical choice for dividing up the space-time of planetary travel. It captures the geocentric nature of astrology and the central importance of the equinoxes and solstices. History also supports the use of the tropical zodiac. The tropical zodiac no longer corresponds to the constellations but it did in the Hellenistic period when its key associations came about. It derived those associations from the stellar and seasonal characteristics of that time and place. The persistent symbolism of a foundational time and place is something with which all astrologers should be able to relate.

References

Geminos (2006). Introduction to the Phenomena. (J. Evans & J. L. Berggren, Trans.). Princeton, NJ. Princeton University Press.

Neugebauer, O. (2012). A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy. Springer Berlin Heidelberg. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=6tkqBAAAQBAJ

Rochberg, F. (2004). The Heavenly Writing: Divination, Horoscopy, and Astronomy in Mesopotamian Culture. Cambridge University Press. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=TjiVXdSMRu4C

Featured Image (cropped) is in the public domain. It is from Andreas Cellarius Harmonia Macrocosmica, 1660/61. Chart showing signs of the zodiac and the solar system with world at centre.

Update 01/12/2019

This article was updated as the prior sections on Valens concerning the degree of error in his calculations were incorrect. I discovered this upon reading Greek Horoscopes by Neugebuaer and Van Hoesen (p. 171-172) where they discuss how the shifting error in his work is typically of 2-3 degrees and is consistent with calculations that are sidereally-based.