Detriment: A Questionable Distinction | Part 1: Historical Development

Update 9/4-9/20:

A little over a month ago, this article was mentioned on a podcast where its arguments were misrepresented, support for the arguments were left out, and specious “additional evidence” for the reconstruction of a Hellenistic doctrine of detriment was put forth.  I’ve addressed the issues with the podcast arguments and presentation in some depth in a separate article, The Anachronism of Hellenistic Detriment, which you can find by clicking on that title.

Additionally, since that time, I’ve added a more convenient print article button and a table of contents feature to all articles. The fact that arguments and evidence presented in a long article were misrepresented to a popular audience that would be disinclined to read through it on the web was a primary motivation for such changes. Now one can find relevant information faster and more conveniently.

Today, I have additionally updated some of the contents of this article. In addition to general editing throughout, the following sections have been expanded or added: detriment as an addition to the symbolic system, notes on the meaning of ‘enantios’, notes on a passage recently discovered in Anubio, treatment of the technique of examining the ruler’s configuration, treatment of Brennan’s reconstruction, and notes on the possibility of textual interpolation. Additionally, I have made the sections on each astrologer little clearer.

Introduction

It is generally easier to notice what’s there than to notice what’s missing. So it is with detriment in Hellenistic astrology. The early works, those of about the first 500 years of Hellenistic astrology, reflect the foundational texts and fundamental features of the system. The concept of detriment is conspicuously absent from them. Yet traditional astrologers still tend not to notice. Instead, intimations of the concept, occurring at the tail end of the Hellenistic period, are used to “reconstruct” a concept into a system that lacked it.

Detriment was, in fact, conspicuously absent even from most early Perso-Arabic astrology. It was neither an integral part of Hellenistic astrology nor of early Perso-Arabic astrology. It became an integral part of the later tradition due to its use by one particularly pivotal early Perso-Arabic astrologer. Interestingly, that astrologer called the condition “fall” and defined it instead of rather than alongside the traditional type of fall. That astrologer’s work strongly influenced the astrology of Sahl and Abu Ma’shar. Their work in turn influenced the later tradition.

A Misleading Narrative

Many traditional astrologers believe that detriment was an important part of the Hellenistic astrological system. It is often simply assumed that it is present in the work of astrologers like Dorotheus of Sidon, Claudius Ptolemy, Vettius Valens, Paulus Alexandrinus, and Firmicus Maternus. To make matters worse, textbooks on Hellenistic astrology in recent years include detriment in a way that implies it was an integral part of the system of Hellenistic astrology.

Actually, detriment (by any name) was absent from the astrology of the early Hellenistic astrologers. In this article, I will address the lack of such a concept in each major Hellenistic text, as well as some later Perso-Arabic ones. The early Hellenistic astrologers clearly drew on many of the same lost foundational texts of the tradition (from the 2nd or 1st centuries BCE). These include the texts attributed to Hermes, Asclepius, Nechepso and Petosiris, Timaeus, and others referenced in them. Therefore, it is quite evident that detriment was not part of the original Hellenistic system.

Critically Considering Additions to the System

Detriment was a late-comer to traditional astrology, but was it a valuable late addition? To answer this from the view of astrology as a symbolic system, there are a few considerations. Actually, for any addition to the core interpretive system, we should ask the following key questions.

Is it Superfluous, Derivative of Existing Symbolism?

First, does detriment (by any name) add to the symbolism or simply restate the symbolic situation in a superfluous manner? If it is superfluous then it is not worthy of much of our attention. It is then just a teaching aid and not an astrological symbol of significance in and of itself. In other words, it would have nothing additional to say about what is signified. In such a case, awareness of it as a distinct concept would be inconsequential when it came to chart interpretation.

Is the Additional Symbolism in Conflict with Existing Symbolism?

Second, if detriment does add to the symbolism, then does this conflict with earlier interpretations of the same configurations? For instance, will Saturn in Leo mean something quite different for someone using detriment than it would’ve for the earlier Hellenistic astrologers that didn’t use detriment? If so, then there is the issue of which interpretation (or both) is correct.

How Well-Motivated is the Symbolism by Observation?

Third, if detriment is interpreted as adding to the symbolism, and alters the interpretation, then its addition should make sense in the system and it should be well-motivated by chart data. The main idea is that any modifications to the original conventional interpretation should be well-motivated by observation.

Detriment as an Addition to the Symbolic System

I will show that detriment was absent from early Hellenistic astrology. It ahs intimations at the end of that tradition and the early Perso-Arabic tradition which prompted its development. In short, it was a later addition to the symbolic system of sign classifications and types of planetary debility. Additionally, it was a non-superfluous addition. It significantly changes the interpretation of the position.

Non-Superfluous

In early Hellenistic astrology, a place (house or lot) or planet could have its symbolism adversely impacted by a ruler (of any type) in a bad or adversarial configuration, including one in opposition to it. This followed directly from the nature of rulership and configuration without any additional concept, so any reconstructed concept solely for the opposition of a domicile ruler would be superfluous. Unlike the practice of examining the configuration of a ruler, detriment introduces a new set of symbolic concepts.

Detriment is not superfluous because it does not pertain to just the configuration of a ruler affecting the symbolism of the thing ruled. Rather it posits that the domicile ruler itself has its symbolism corrupted or weakened by being positioned in the sign opposite its domicile. In other words, it was a new form of planetary debility, where there was not one before. Additionally, it is typically coupled with a notion of contrariness between the ruler’s of opposing domiciles, which was another new and additional concept not found in early Hellenistic astrology.

Conflicts with Earlier Symbolism

Detriment introduced a new planetary debility and new sense of planetary contrariness that conflict with the symbolism of early Hellenistic astrology. Jupiter and Mercury were actually viewed as “in harmony” by Valens – the opposite of problematically contrary. Mercury and Jupiter were clearly considered fortunate in combination, including in each other’s houses, by Dorotheus, Valens, and Manetho (see link in sentence).

Detriment reversed the fortunate symbolism of this comination. It posited a fundamental conflict between the natures of Jupiter and Mercury. They would be debilitated and have adverse indications in each other’s signs.

Need for a Share of Rulership Rather than Negative Dignity

Early Hellenistic astrologers did not put much of a stress on any sign-based debility. Fall was noteworthy for its symbolism which could be adverse, but there was no detriment condition, and fall was not much stressed. As I have noted, even Mercury in Pisces (its fall) was considered a fortunate placement. Fall’s symbolism became more relevant within the context of specific topical delineations.

Stress was actually placed on whether a planet had some share of rulership in the place where it was. For Ptolemy, the worst condition was a planet that had no form of rulership where it was. Whereas Mars was in triplicity in Taurus and Venus in triplicity in Scorpio in early Hellenistic astrology – places of fortification – these became viewed as extremely “detrimental” positions to the planet with the advent of detriment. Therefore, detriment not only added to but actually reversed the symbolism in significant ways in many cases.

Detriment Lacks Adequate Motivation

In order to separate out the historical facts of detriment’s development from my opinion about its usefulness, I will be treating of detriment’s lack of adequate motivation in a separate article. However, here I wish to highlight three reasons why detriment deserves even more scrutiny than typical astrological concepts. Given these reasons, one should always look elsewhere in the chart for the indication that astrologers too readily try to attribute to detriment.

Development by Telephone

As I will show, the historical development of detriment should raise some eyebrows. It appears to have come about very slowly by way of a series of misconceptions and spurious innovations – i.e. by a game of telephone.  Initial intimations only occurred near the very end of the Hellenistic tradition and were slow to catch on. We can trace the arrival of features of detriment by late Hellenistic and early Perso-Arabic authors rephrasing or mistranslating earlier authors, decontextualizing earlier passages, and adding their own innovations.

Today’s new reconstructions of the concept rest on specious evidence and faulty logic. They also tend to present misleading evidence, such as presenting late compilations as representative of early practice and presenting indications for the opposition in the context of the ruler’s configuration technique as if synonymous with detriment.

Conflicting Symbolism

As noted, detriment doesn’t just introduce new symbolism but its symbolism actually often leads to the opposite interpretation as more traditional symbolism. Together with a greater stress on sign-based debility than found in early astrology, it causes most planets to be interpreted as severely weakened or adversely affected in 1 out of every 4 signs of the chart. It also creates the strange situation of Mercury being doubly debilitated – fall and detriment both – in Pisces, where Mercury was actually associated with benefit by early Hellenistic astrologers.

Increasingly Contrived Interpretation

As most astrologers do not practice truly symbolic astrology, but rather make appeal to astrological factors as some sort of index on occult or psychological causes, astrologers increasingly make detriment mean whatever they want it to mean in any given case.

Does someone have Mars in detriment in their 10th house, yet they are one of the most successful athletes of all time (Muhammed Ali)? Then it must of been due to their having to overcome the debilitation and adversity related to that Mars placement. The detriment was so difficult that they were forced to deal with it and so learned to work with this unfortunate psychological or occult thorn in their side and turn it into success.

The same astrologer may view Hitler’s downfall as due to his Mars, Saturn, and Moon that were in detriment in his chart. But perhaps Ted Turner’s success was due to his own 3 planets in detriment.

Maybe Steven Spielberg’s expensive divorce stellement was due to his Saturn in detriment in the 2nd house. Perhaps Spielberg is also one of the wealthiest directors of all time due to having to “deal with” that difficult Saturn in the 2nd his whole life.

You get the idea. A planet in detriment for such astrologers simultaneously symbolizes adverse circumstances pertaining to what is indicated by the planet, overturn, and possible corruption, while on the other hand also being viewed as if having the possibility of improving or augmenting the indications of the planet.

The actual indications are between found in other areas of the chart which are missed due to the easy ability to spot detriment. Instead, astrologers simultaneously blame every success, failure, fortune, and misfortune related to any of the planet’s significations on it. The ability to read a chart suffers greatly as a result of such symbolic confusion.

Understanding Context

Before assessing the astrological value of detriment, we need to take a closer look at its historical place in the tradition. Let’s look at its presence, or more often absence, in early traditional astrology. We will then need to take a closer look at its early characterization. Its interpretation by modern traditionalists is also worth consideration. Finally, we can arrive at a meaningful analysis of its utility (the subject of a separate article).

This first part of my in-depth exploration of detriment will focus on its historical development. A detriment-like concept is absent from almost all Hellenistic astrology. Remarks at the tail end of the Hellenistic tradition show intimations of the concept. though still unclear.

The early Perso-Arabic tradition is marked by two strains, one lacking detriment and one with it largely taking the place of fall. These come together in the middle of the Perso-Arabic tradition, in the 9th century. At that point, detriment is formally brought into the fold on equal par with fall as a form of sign-based corruption defined in popular introductory texts.

Organization

The goal of this article is to make you better informed regarding the concept of detriment and its role in the practice of Hellenistic and Perso-Arabic astrology, past, present, and future. As detriment is taken to be a key part of the Hellenistic system in many modern works on Hellenistic astrology, we will first consider how and why.

The rest of this introduction is an exploration of the Hellenistic system in a narrow sense, Hellenistic astrology in a broad sense, and how the distinction has often been blurred in a dash toward questionable “reconstructions”.

Where Detriment is and Where It’s Not

The first section details the absence of detriment in the early Hellenistic texts. Next, the second section details the intimations of a detriment-like concept in some works of late Hellenistic astrology which inspired its later development. The third section looks at the slow development of detriment into an important principle in Perso-Arabic astrology. The final section is a critical look at “reconstructions” of detriment. The conclusion provides a concise summary of findings and conclusions.

Those coming to the topic with a background in Hellenistic astrology and/or familiarity with Chris Brennan’s reconstruction of detriment as a Hellenistic concept, may want to first check out the section on reconstructions and my more detailed article on Brennan’s specious evidence for a Hellensitic detriment.

Interpretation of Dignity

The following sections on how individual astrologers used sign-based dignity is meant as an astrological reference on the topic. It is easy for astrologers to present decontextualized passages from random texts, including ones that refer to separate techniques, as if they provide some evidence for detriment. Understanding the lack of detriment involves not just contextualizing such passages and texts, but also an awareness of just how vast and extensive the traditional literature is, how varied approaches to dignity and debility were, and how often astrologers had the explicit opportunity to bring up detriment if they had in fact used it as an interpretive principle (explicit or implicit) but did not.

Why Note Other Types of Sign-Based Conditions?

We will not just consider detriment but also consider how different astrologers interpreted dignity (sign-based rejoicing). Just as it is easy for astrologers to miss the lack of detriment in early texts, it is also easy to miss differences in the interpretation of dignity.

Highlighting these differences accomplishes a couple things. First, it reveals that ambiguity was likely in the early source texts and may be responsible for early variation. Second, it shows how the later tradition tended to amalgamate different interpretations rather than choosing between them. Third, it provides the critical astrologer with a path forward toward clearer and more consistent interpretation, allowing them to choose interpretations that mesh with chart experience and common sense.

A Case Against Detriment

This article on the historical development of detriment forms part of a broader argument against the use of detriment in astrology. My own experience is that traditional astrologers would do well to simply dismiss detriment. Knowledge regarding its history is one of three major premises for its dismissal.

The other two premises are addressed in Part II. The second of the three premises is that detriment leads to a different interpretive outcome, overloading the zodiac with “weak” or “bad” indications. The third is that the value of detriment has not been adequately demonstrated, rather it tends to be used in a manner that obscures more important and more traditional factors.

Is Detriment Necessary?

After considering how detriment was not a necessary ingredient in most Hellenistic and Persian analysis, we can consider whether it is necessary today. In Part II (forthcoming), we will consider the interpretive issues pertaining to detriment. Both Medieval and modern interpretations will be considered. Does the concept of “detriment” bring something additional and new to the table? Does it aid in interpretation or handicap it?

How well motivated is detriment by chart data? Does the additional “meaning” supplied by detriment show up at the activation of planets in detriment or more traditional interpretations of the position instead? Has the value of detriment as an interpretive concept really been demonstrated? One consideration is the methodology for testing out competing interpretations of chart symbolism.

About the Hellenistic System

Before surveying the astrologers, there is one additional introductory matter that is worth addressing. It concerns the merits of “reconstructing” a Hellenistic system when Hellenistic astrological techniques were often so clearly and extensively laid out in numerous lengthy astrological manuals.

When we speak of Hellenistic astrology, there are two important senses. There is the Hellenistic system in a narrow sense and Hellenistic astrology in a broad sense. The narrow sense refers to a set of core principles found in the foundational texts that established a common system. The broad sense refers to every development, technique, and principal advanced by Hellenistic astrologers during the period of its practice (roughly 2nd century BCE to 7th century CE). In other words, we distinguish the common foundation from the vast body of knowledge. It’s an important distinction, so let’s give it some consideration.

The System

Hellenistic astrology in the narrow sense comprises the set of interconnected concepts found in the foundational texts. The early surviving works of Hellenistic astrology all draw upon a common system laid out in the now-lost foundational texts.

It was not necessarily fully laid out in any single one of these foundational texts. There is in fact some evidence that there was variance in interpretation for even such basic things as house meanings among different foundational texts. Yet, the early source texts established a foundation for the Hellenistic astrologers.

The “system” was a new synthesis that drew upon prior traditions, especially Babylonian and Egyptian ones. Some key features are an interpretive stress on the Ascendant, the use of signs and their divisions, as well as planets, aspects, and topical places defined by way of lots and house order. This system also included planetary rulership, rejoicing, and debility conditions.

Hellenistic Astrology

The broad sense of Hellenistic astrology pertains to all astrological practices in the Greco-Roman tradition relying upon the system noted above, until roughly the 7th century CE. Most (but not all) of the important works were written in Greek and drew upon earlier texts written in Greek.

Hellenistic is here used primarily as a linguistic, and to a lesser extent cultural, descriptor rather than an ethnic, geographic, or political one. Yet, the period is roughly that of the (western) Roman Empire from about the 1st century BCE to about the time of the last gasps of the Roman Senate in the 7th century CE. The location is also the Roman Empire (both western and eastern), where Latin and Greek were the languages of scholarship. Therefore, Greco-Roman astrology is another term sometimes used.

The works of Hellenistic astrology are incredibly rich and diverse. This sense of Hellenistic astrology, the broad sense, is very broad. It is not a system per se, but rather a huge and diverse body of knowledge. Astrologers emphasized different applications of astrology, different preferred techniques, and at times even contrasting interpretations of symbolism.

Mischaracterizations of the System

In the recent resurgence of interest in Hellenistic astrology, the difference has often been obscured between the narrow and broad senses of Hellenistic astrology. Tenuous reconstructions and assumptions have led to much confusion. I frequently encounter those who believe that things found in one early author, or no early author at all, are representative of the “system”  – i.e. the foundational system in a narrow sense.

We must keep in mind that the multiple early authors drawing on the foundational texts are our best source for what is in those early texts. By comparing authors who drew on those texts we can reach our safest conclusions regarding the core system of Hellenistic astrology.

The Inevitable Mismatch

A mismatch between the systems of modern astrologers following in the Hellenistic tradition and the Hellenistic system in the narrow sense is not at all concerning. Every astrologer has their own preferred techniques and interpretive approaches. Even the Hellenistic astrologers differed a great deal from one another in the way that they used and expanded upon the system.

In the broader sense, there are a variety of Hellenistic astrologies. Exposure to different sources, various routes of learning, personal preferences, and experience as to what is most effective make such a situation inevitable.

This is the very reason we must make the distinction between the narrow sense and the broad sense in the first place. Hellenistic astrology is very broad. It was one of the richest periods in astrological history. Every Hellenistic astrologer took the core system in a slightly different direction. Hellenistic astrologers stressed somewhat different preferred techniques and principles. Sometimes they even slightly differed in their interpretations of core factors. The core is quite small compared with the flowering during the period.

The Mismatch of Concern

What is more concerning is the confusion between popular approaches to incorporating Hellenistic astrology today and the narrow sense of the Hellenistic system. This confusion typically results from a claim of “reconstruction” of the original system which has questionable ingredients. Such questionable reconstructions represent certain features as core which are not. Simultaneously, other approaches and techniques, including the rest of the bulk of Hellenistic astrology, are taken to be more marginal.

Over-Specification and Mischaracterization

On the one hand, this mismatch mischaracterizes and over-specifies the core Hellenistic system. Late additions, rare fine distinctions, and predictive techniques evident in just one or no early author are mistaken for the defining features of the core system. In other words, we find ourselves in a position in which the astrology of a handful of modern individuals is taken to be representative, despite textual evidence to the contrary.

Again, I do not mean to imply that modern uses of Hellenistic astrology should reflect the system in a narrow sense. No, there never was a “pure” Hellenistic astrologer who used only the system in a narrow sense. Therefore, we cannot expect to find a modern astrologer who has rediscovered the way to stick only to the pure “core” system of Hellenistic astrology common to every Hellenistic astrologer.

However, we can avoid representing our own approach to Hellenistic astrology as a reconstruction of the true system. We can also avoid misrepresenting certain techniques and principles as widespread and ubiquitous in Hellenistic astrology when such claims are not supported by textual evidence. In other words, there’s something to be said for avoiding official-sounding tenuous reconstructions resting on flimsy or faulty evidence.

Marginalization

The mismatch also obscures the diversity and richness of Hellenistic astrology in the broad sense. The absence of a certain fine distinction, predictive technique, late interpretive addition, or other such things in the approach of any given popular modern advocate of Hellenistic astrology is taken as a sign that something is not Hellenistic astrology proper. This is a direct byproduct of a lack of sufficient education in the diversity and richness in the tradition. Valuable alternative techniques, approaches, factors, and principles of Hellenistic astrology are overlooked or seen to be more marginal.

We find ourselves in the paradoxical situation in which the astrology of today’s Hellenistic astrologers is viewed as closer to the core Hellenistic astrology than that of the actual early Hellenistic astrologers of the first few hundred years of its practice. In other words, today’s astrologers who do Hellenistic astrology differently are marginalized, as well as the bulk of the actual astrology of the Hellenistic era.

Modern Systems and Ancient Systems

It is, therefore, critical to distinguish the Hellenistic system as reflected in those early texts from Hellenistic astrology in the broad sense. Reconstructions of the Hellenistic astrological system have been proposed. These draw upon Hellenistic astrology and are indeed systems in their own right. Also, they are indeed Hellenistic astrology, drawing on the ancient symbolism and techniques. They reflect the way particular astrologers think the astrological system of interpretation should function.

Regardless of potential practical merits, whether they reflect the actual system of Hellenistic astrology (narrow sense) must be measured against the evidence from the early texts. This is vital to distinguish what today’s astrologers find valuable in Hellenistic astrology from the actual core of the Hellenistic astrological system.

Two Obvious Examples

There are two areas in which the mismatch between the Hellenistic system and the Hellenistic reconstruction is particularly evident. The most pervasive is the suggestion that the configurational subtleties of Antiochus represent the heart of the Hellenistic system. The most obviously flawed is the inclusion of detriment or a detriment-like concept as part of the Hellenistic system.

The Aspect Doctrine of Antiochus

In the last couple of decades, the nuanced aspect doctrine of Antiochus of Athens has become synonymous with the Hellenistic system. The Thesaurus of Antiochus was paraphrased in multiple works, including those attributed to Porphyry (3rd century) and Rhetorius (6th or 7th century), as well as in a Byzantine summary. These works tend to include material not pertaining to Antiochus as well, but in their overlap, they reveal much about the Antiochus text. Porphyry’s 3rd century “Introduction to the Tetrabiblos” is particularly representative. This is because of its early date and the fact that the Antiochus material makes up the bulk of the work.

The intrigue of the text lies in its aspect doctrine which is a bit more methodical, detailed, and well-defined than typical. Many ancient Hellenistic astrologers would note the importance of the placement of a ruler, the nature of aspects, or the greater influence of a right-sided aspect. However, in this work, technical terms are used for more specific configurations. There are valuable distinctions, yet some not made or even mentioned by other Hellenistic astrologers. Many, however, follow naturally from the nature of aspect and rulership.

Useful Extension?

There are two distinct possibilities for the larger neglect of many of Antiochus’s technical distinctions by other Hellenistic astrologers.

First, Antiochus, or a school of which he was part, developed some of the core symbolic concepts into a few more refined distinctions.  This is the most likely scenario as Antiochus is typically dated to the late 1st or early 2nd century CE.

The lack of mention of some of these distinctions in early works, like those of Dorotheus, Ptolemy, and Valens would point to a lack of their definition in the foundational texts. While some astrologers put Antiochus much earlier in time, the lack of mention of his work in the early astrologers renders this assertion questionable. References to his work start to crop up in the late 3rd century.

There is also a general tendency toward greater “systematicity” and “refinement” over time. For instance, in later Perso-Arabic astrology many astrologers gave numbered lists defining all possible types of combinations and conditions. By comparison, early Hellenistic astrologers often complained about the opacity of the foundational texts.

If he was paraphrasing some key foundational text, then why didn’t the other early astrologers also refer to it? Rather, many of the distinctions follow from the combination of more common ones, showing a tendency toward greater “systematicity” and “elaboration” by Antiochus himself.

Or Foundational Key?

The second possibility is that these were key technical distinctions present in the foundational texts and pivotal to the system. Perhaps they were even distinctions made by the “inventor of Hellenistic astrology”. They were simply neglected or taken for granted in the works of early Hellenistic astrologers. Unfortunately, this other possibility has become the predominant view in the modern community of astrologers using Hellenistic techniques.

In other words, the configurations of Antiochus have become “orthodox” and “integral”. Other early Hellenistic astrologers are assumed to be using configurations with implicit knowledge of this orthodox and integral set of doctrines. However, this assumption is lacking sufficient evidence. Other astrologers don’t appear to use some of the distinctions in the Antiochus text. They also use other distinctions in a manner that reflects a difference in interpretation.

The Legacy of Robert Schmidt

Today, you are not seen to be practicing “real” Hellenistic astrology unless you are practicing something sufficiently similar to Robert Schmidt’s approach to Hellenistic astrology. The stress on the aspect doctrine of Antiochus, as well as on a particular predictive technique discussed only by Vettius Valens (Zodiacal Releasing), are hallmarks of his approach.

Robert Schmidt was one of the founding members of Project Hindsight. His translations of Hellenistic texts and his ideas regarding Hellenistic astrology had a profound influence on its practice today. Many of today’s leading proponents of Hellenistic astrology (e.g. Chris Brennan, Demetra George) were students of Schmidt.

It is little wonder that his preferred techniques and interpretive principles, i.e. his system, is synonymous with Hellenistic astrology today. For many astrologers, learning Hellenistic astrology meant trying to learn what Robert Schmidt saw in the chart. Without seeking to diminish the greatness of Schmidt’s influence, the time has come to reassess the view that Schmidt’s system was representative of the Hellenistic system in the narrow sense.

A Distinction, Not a Value Judgment

This consideration is quite a different one than the assessment of the utility of Schmidt’s input and preferences, i.e. the value of his system. The distinction cannot be overstated. I’m not judging the value or even the traditional-ness of Schmidt’s system. It is a practice of Hellenistic astrology, just as much as the astrology that I practice.

Many, myself included, have found Schmidt’s output on the art immensely valuable. I, and many others, view the aspect doctrine of Antiochus as a source of vital, valuable, and very helpful (though somewhat superfluous) symbolic distinctions when evaluating configurations. The popularity of zodiacal releasing today as a predictive technique is also a testament to its usefulness. Schmidt keyed the world into the importance of these items from Hellenistic astrology and focused a lot of attention on their interpretation.

Not the Inevitable Approach

His approach doesn’t, however, follow inevitably from the careful study of Hellenistic astrology. As noted, many approaches are possible. The early Hellenistic astrologers themselves were closer to the now lost source material than we’ll ever be. It is clear that they themselves took it in different directions. Whether Schmidt uncovered and reconstructed the core system underlying Hellenistic astrology (the System of Hermes as it is sometimes called) is quite questionable.

Detriment as an Anti-Rejoicing Condition

The more obvious mismatch between the Hellenistic system in the narrow sense and today’s reconstructions is the modern inclusion of “detriment”. This is the imposition of a concept that none of the major treatises of Hellenistic astrology of about the first 500 years make mention of. It is a clear instance in which a concept “developed” late in the Hellenistic period (arguably in the Perso-Arabic period). Unfortunately, it has been “reconstructed” as part of the Hellenistic system.

Additionally, unlike the Antiochus configuration doctrines and the use of Zodiacal Releasing in predictive work, “detriment” is of much more questionable utility. The fact that a concept absent from early Hellenistic astrology and of questionable practical merit could be reconstructed as integral to the system should throw up serious red flags to any thinking astrologer. Its reconstruction should serve as an important signpost calling into question all the reconstructions which include it, and the methodology behind them.

Movement Toward Transparency

In nearly all modern introductory works on Hellenistic astrology, detriment has simply been given as an integral part of the system. The book “Hellenistic Astrology” by Chris Brennan represents a contrast, at least in respect to clarity and transparency. He noted the peculiar absence of “detriment” in early Hellenistic astrology in his book. Prior to completing that section of the book, he also solicited opinion as to how he should treat the concept of detriment.

Unfortunately, Brennan did still “reconstruct” detriment as a technical concept of Hellenistic astrology. Furthermore, he asserted that it is implicit as an interpretive principle even in early texts that lack it. However, he does at least clarify his basis for such a reconstruction. Still, the “reconstruction” and the language explaining it again convey the impression that the distinction is somehow “integral” to Hellenistic astrology. Later in this article, I’ll examine the basis of his reconstruction in more detail (see a separate recent article for a refutation of more recent arguments with a collection of specious evidence he’s put forward for reconstruction).

The Conspicuous Absence

Many of the early Hellenistic astrologers noted the relevant sign-based planetary conditions, such as exaltation and fall. From their treatments of the sign-based planetary conditions, it becomes clear that the concept of detriment was simply not a part of the Hellenistic astrological system. Reconstructing a technical concept that simply was not there is rather strange. Furthermore, we can trace detriment’s very slow entrance into western astrology.

These facts are obscured when detriment shows up as a key distinct concept of the Hellenistic system in most, if not all, modern treatments. Additionally, knowledge of one of the most interesting facets of Hellenistic astrology is suppressed. Detriment was not part of the Hellenistic system in the narrow sense and was a concept almost wholly absent from all practice of Hellenistic astrology, with only intimations at the very end of the period. Additionally, it was not even initially an integral part of Perso-Arabic astrology but became so over centuries.

Part I: The Development of Detriment

Rulership and Dignity

The notable Hellenistic astrologers of the first 4 centuries CE drew directly on and developed from, the foundational texts of horoscopic astrology. These texts (mainly those attributed to Hermes, Asclepius, Nechepso, and Petosiris) are thought to date to the 1st or 2nd centuries BCE.

Most of the surviving early texts on Hellenistic astrology clearly defined the system of sign-based rulership and rejoicing conditions. By sign-based rulership and rejoicing conditions I mean the way that a sign could be said to be linked to its ruling planets, and to strengthen or weaken, make better or worse, the indications of the planets within it. Today, these conditions are referred to respectively as rulership and dignity.

What is Detriment?

Detriment-like concepts appeared near the end of the practice of Hellenistic astrology. The best evidence for it emerges around the 6th or 7th century CE. The detriment concept eventually became a formalized part of the dignity system of Perso-Arabic astrology but after some time.

The concept is that a planet is weakened or corrupted in any sign opposite one of its domiciles. For instance, since the Moon’s domicile is Cancer, her detriment would be Capricorn. Similarly, since Gemini is a domicile of Mercury, Sagittarius would be his detriment.

List of All the Planetary Detriments

The list of all such positions is below:

  1. The Sun is in detriment in Aquarius
  2. The Moon is in detriment in Capricorn
  3. Mercury is in detriment in Sagittarius and Pisces
  4. Venus is in detriment in Aries and Scorpio
  5. Mars is in detriment in Taurus and Libra
  6. Jupiter is in detriment in Gemini and Virgo
  7. Saturn is in detriment in Cancer and Leo
Initial Intimations

The early intimations of a detriment-like concept show up around the 5th-7th century CE. The broad date range will become clearer when we trace its entrance below. When it does arrive it is described in language translated as opposing, contrariety, hindering, or corrupting. As we’ll see, one issue in the early intimations is distinguishing a condition of planetary debility from a simple oppositional configuration of a ruler. Given later development into a planetary debility, there is a tendency to project that interpretation backward.

By Other Names

Detriment sometimes appeared in the 8th and 9th century CE Perso-Arabic astrology as “fall”. Occasionally, this “fall” by opposition to domicile was even used instead of the usual concept of fall (opposite to exaltation).

It was recently described as “adversities”, as well as “exile”, and later “antithesis”, by Chris Brennan, a traditional astrologer who specializes in Hellenistic astrology. My experience is that exile is gaining popularity as a term for the concept among many contemporary astrologers utilizing Hellenistic techniques. Ironically, “exile” is the most problematic of the terms. It is the only proposed term that lacks any valid support from the intimations appearsing in the texts attributed to the late Hellenistic astrologer Rhetorius (i.e. no Hellenistic astrologer, not even Rhetorius, would have recognized it).

Detriment as a Term will Do

“Detriment” remains the most common English term for the concept. It is not an integral Hellenistic concept per se, but it was inspired by Rhetorius’s comments on the contrary qualities of opposed rulers. Additionally, Rhetorius noted how contrary qualities lead to bad indications when combined, bringing in the concept of corruption by contrariety. Detriment actually pretty adequately captures the early conceptualization.

Perso-Arabic authors like al-Andarzaghar, who were drawing on Rhetorius, likened it to unhealthiness, harm, or bad results. Things that are unhealthy, harmful, or cause bad results, are “detrimental”. Thus the term for the concept has not strayed too far from the concept’s origins.

Dignity in Hellenistic Astrology

The sign-based rulership and rejoicing conditions are one of the innovations of Hellenistic astrology. Hellenistic astrology provided the foundation for traditional and modern western astrology, as well as Indian horoscopic astrology. As the “original system” of horoscopic astrology, its particulars and the works of its early practitioners are of particular interest to astrologers and historians.

One of the concepts in the system was that of considering certain planets to be strengthened (or even weakened) in certain signs and sections of signs (dignity and debility). Let’s turn our attention to that facet of the system.

Strengthening and Weakening

In Hellenistic astrology there are four sign-based conditions that are particularly strengthening to planets, making their indications more “effective”, “fortified”, or simply better. These conditions pertain to a planet in part of a sign it is said to rule in some way. A planet in a sign that is its domicile (home), exaltation, or triplicity is reinforced or supported in some way. When in its own section of a sign, called its bound, it is also fortified.

Additionally, there is one sign for each planet where the planet is said to be weakened or lowered, called its depression or fall. The depression is the sign located opposite the sign of a planet’s exaltation. Ptolemy (2nd century CE) also noted an additional weakening condition that is related to the concept of “peregrine”. For him, a planet that was not in a position where the sign gave some support (i.e. not in its domicile, exaltation, triplicity, or bound) was corrupted, particularly if the sign was also of the contrary sect.

Detriment or Support: A Delineation Dilemma

Note that there was no concept of planetary weakening or corruption associated with being opposite a planet’s domicile (i.e. in detriment). Furthermore, many of the places where planets are now said to be in detriment, are actually traditional places of support. These positions, where the planet is in a sign of its triplicity and sect, include the Moon in Capricorn, Venus in Scorpio, Mars in Taurus, Jupiter in Gemini, and Saturn in Leo.

The five non-luminaries can additionally be supported in the sign of their so-called “detriment” by being in their own bound

Detriment’s adoption has a significant effect on the delineation of certain planetary positions. For instance, does Mars in Taurus represent a suppression of Mars (detriment) or an enhancement (triplicity and sect)?

Contrariety Displaced from Alien Signs to those Opposite Domiciles

I will show how a Ptolemaic approach played a big role in the intimations of detriment in Rhetorius, which in turn inspired its development. For Ptolemy the planet was strengthened by sympathy but weakened by contrary qualities. However, for Ptolemy the sign opposite the domicile could have sympathies, such as triplicity as noted. The weakening conflict was being in a position where there was no rulership (an alien or peregrine sign).

Section 1: Detriment’s Absence from Early Hellenistic Astrology

Chris Brennan, an authority on Hellenistic astrology, has noted that detriment is absent from early Hellenistic astrology (2017, p. 249).

“In most of the introductory Hellenistic texts, while they clearly define the concepts of domicile, exaltation, and depression, there is no corresponding definition of “detriment,” which raises some questions about how the position was viewed, and whether it was conceptualized as a debilitating factor or not.” (Brennan, 2017, p. 249)

It was also absent from standard traditions of Indian astrology today. Its absence from standard Indian astrology is interesting as Indian astrology assimilated Hellenistic doctrines by at least the 6th century. This implies it was not in the early Hellenistic astrology that reached India. It was actually similarly absent from most early Perso-Arabic astrology, which was primarily an outgrowth of Hellenistic astrology.

The clear absence of the concept from early Hellenistic astrology does raise the question of interpretation of the opposition to domicile, as noted by Brennan. However, it also raises other important questions. Where did the detriment distinction come from? How appropriate is it to consider it an important part of the Hellenistic system? Additionally, how did detriment simply come to be assumed today to be part of the Hellenistic system?

6th or 7th Century Appearance

Brennan noted that there was no clear definition of “detriment” as a negative factor until the text of Rhetorius. Rhetorius wrote a compendium of Hellenistic astrology in the 6th or 7th century CE. He wrote after the heyday of Hellenistic astrology (see Brennan, 2017, Ch. 5 on the concurrent decline of both astrology and the western Roman empire). In fact, Rhetorius is considered the very last major astrologer of the Hellenistic tradition (Brennan, 2017, p. 121).

I actually disagree with the assertion that a planetary debility associated with detriment was even clearly defined in Rhetorius. However, we’ll come back to Rhetorius later. What about the astrologers before him?

Who Didn’t Use Detriment?

As noted, it’s easier to notice something there than to notice something missing. The influential texts of the early Hellenistic tradition make no mention of detriment.

Important early Hellenistic astrologers, including Dorotheus of Sidon, Vetius Valens, Claudius Ptolemy, Porphyry (and thus Antiochus), Paulus Alexandrinus, Julius Firmicus Maternus, and more, didn’t use “detriment”.  Was their astrology missing a vitally important distinction? Did they just forget to mention the debility of a position opposite the domicile?

Let’s look at what Hellenistic astrologers actually said about sign-based rejoicing and debility. This is instructive not just for seeing the lack of detriment, and tracing its arrival, but also for understanding the varying early approaches to dignity.

Dorotheus of Sidon on Sign-Based Conditions

Dorotheus was an influential 1st century astrology who wrote a large work in verse on the principles of astrology. His work was one of the most influential texts of early Hellenistic astrology, with a strong influence on later Hellenistic astrology as well as the Perso-Arabic tradition. The original verse work only survives in fragments quoted by later astrologers, while prose summaries and translations comprise our best sources for the text, albeit ones with apparent additions and corruptions.

Dorotheus (1st century CE) does not appear to have known the distinction of “detriment” or any debility associated with being opposite a planet’s domicile. This is despite the outlining many other types of sign-based rejoicing and noting fall.

Dorotheus did use a technique in which the configuration of a ruler was examined, including the opposition which could give adverse indications. However, this is a very different technique, and has different basis and interpretation than detriment, as it pertains to delineating the thing ruled (not the planetary state of the ruler) and follows from the concepts of configuration and rulership.

Dorotheus on Other Sign-Based Conditions

In Book I, Ch. 1, he first outlined the triplicity lords of the signs. He then also outlined the houses (domiciles) of the planets with no mention of detriment. He noted the planetary joys by signs, which match them to their domiciles of the same sect (and Mercury with Virgo). In the next chapter, Dorotheus noted the exaltation degrees of the planets and that their falls were opposite.

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Dorotheus used bounds throughout the work. The bounds are particularly pivotal to his predictive methodology for longevity.

Powers of the Planets

In a later chapter, Ch. 6 of the 1st book, Dorotheus explained the conditions which affect the power of the planets. Here too there is no mention of “detriment”.

“Every planetary fortune, if it was in its own house, or in its own triplicity or its elevation, then what it indicates of the good will be powerful [and] increasing. And an infortune too, if it was in its own place, then its evil will become lighter and decrease.” (Dorotheus, Book I, Ch. 6, Dykes trans., 2018, p. 67)

Note that the stress here is really on a planet being in some place that it rules, without any similar stress on negative dignity (i.e. fall) as bad. As we’ll see with Ptolemy, the lack of dignity (lack of any rulership in the planet’s place) tended to be of greater concern for early Hellenistic astrologers than even fall.

Little Stress on Fall

Interestingly, Dorotheus did note some negative conditions, including being out of sect, under the rays, or retrograde, but does not even note “fall” as a weakening condition. He also does not mention “fall” as one of the many corruptions of the Moon for electional astrology (Book V). It was added as a corruption of the Moon in the Middle Ages. However, there are a couple instances in which Dorotheus did distinguish fall as indicating a reduced condition of some sort in analysis.

In short, Dorotheus put a much greater stress on matters other than “fall” when it came to planetary weakening. Cadency, sect, retrogradation, twelfth-part rulership, sign sex, and being under the beams get explicit attention in discussions of planetary corruption. Fall, by contrast, gets defined, but there are only a few stray mentions of it for debility, within the context of certain topics.

Ruler’s Configuration Technique (RC)

Dorotheus presents a few passages in which a technique was used to delineate a place (house or lot), or more rarely the Moon, by examining the configuratoin of its ruler. This technique of examining the ruler’s configuration can be called RC for short. There is evidence for the technique in other early astrologers like Anubio and Valens as well (addressed below), so it probably originated in the foundational texts.

This technique follows from the principles of rulership and configuration so the adversity associated with the opposition does not require a separately reconstructed principle (i.e. it is superfluous). Additionally, the technique differs from the principle of detriment in numerous key ways, as it is not a planetary debility, the potential oppositional indications pertain to the thing ruled not the ruler, other configurations and other types of rulers may be similarly relevant, and there is no implied notion of contrariety in the natures of planets ruling opposing domiciles.

You may find a more complete treatment of RC in my article on Brennan’s recent proposed evidence for reconstruction  of detriment (spoiler: all Brennan’s supposed evidence for early use of detriment is actually RC).

Anubio and the Configuration of Opposition

Anubio is a relatively more minor early Hellenistic astrologer but one worth a mention. He is dated to the first century CE and wrote a work on astrological principles in Greek verse (dactylic hexameter; the same meter used by Homer). Recent scholarship has suggested that he may have drawn on one of the same sources that were also used by Dorotheus, Maternus, and Manetho, as there are some parallel passages across the texts (possibly from Nechepso Petosiris).

A passage attributed to Anubio includes language implying the diminishment of what is provided when a planet opposes its own domicile. Brennan (2020, p. 1) has taken the passage to show the implicit use of detriment in the 1st century. Brennan (2020, p. 2) has also asserted that Hephaistio’s statement about planetary corruption was a paraphrase of Dorotheus. It is assumed that Hephaistion was probably drawing on a passage in Dorotheus that was parallel to that in Anubio.

For a closer look at the passage, see the relevant section of my article on Brennan’s arguments.

Anubio in Context

There are significant issues with taking Anubio as evidence of “detriment”. The context, both textually and historically, argues for an RC interpretation.

The Anubio passage occurs at the end of a section on the configuration of opposition. It is not a section on sign-based conditions, planetary debility types, or anything of that sort. The context is a section explicitly about configurations. Just after discussing indications for the opposition of each planet opposed to each other planet, then we get the statement regarding a ruler opposing the place it rules. Therefore, the context speaks to the passage about the RC technique – examining the rule’s configuration of opposition.

The passage says nothing inconsistent with the RC technique or necessarily implying the additional baggage of detriment (planetary debility and contrariety). The fact that other astrologers drawing on Nechepso-Petosiris, like Dorotheus and Valens, also clearly show the use of RC, but not detriment, again supports that interpretation.

Anubio + Hephaistion as Representative of Dorotheus?

There are also some issues with taking the Hephastion passage as necessarily having its origin in a passage in Dorotheus that is parallel to the one in Anubio.

If Hephaistio was paraphrasing a similar phrase in Dorotheus then this speaks to the view that Hephaistio derived a planetary corruption doctrine by misinterpreting a passage actually about RC (game of telephone again). It doesn’t imply that the original Dorotheus contained the planetary corruption doctrine.

Additionally, Hephaistio’s comments are in the context of solar return interpretation while the Anubio passage is in the context of delineating indications of configurations. It’s not clear why Dorotheus would have paraphrased the same source as Anubio (or Anubio would have paraphrased Dorotheus) in such a different context.

Dorothean Manuscript and Fragments

In any case, no such passage survives in any manuscript or fragments of Dorotheus. Instead, what we do find in both the surviving manuscripts and a Dorothean fragment is a doctrine in which transiting planets in opposition to natal positions give negative indications. That has seemed to me the more plausible passage being garbled in the Hephaistio text. I address this more below in the section on Hephaistio. In either case, it appears Hephaistio (or some later copyist) did transform something from Dorotheus, either an RC passage or a transit configuration one, into a statement about planetary corruption.

Notes on Dorotheus

Dorotheus did put stock in dignity and other rejoicing conditions. However, detriment or a detriment-like concept was not part of Dorotheus’s astrology.

Dorotheus defined domicile, exaltation, fall, triplicity, and bound only. He also used twelfth-part divisions of the sign, which were important for judging the Moon in electional astrology, among other things.

I will return to Dorotheus below when we discuss where detriment came from. The way Hephaistio (5th century CE) summarized Dorotheus on the solar return includes language some have taken to be evident of detriment. Dorotheus took planets opposing their natal positions at the time of the solar return as unfortunate (Book 4, Ch. 4, #3). The material appears to have been paraphrased by Hephaistio as planets opposing their houses are corrupted (Book II, Ch. 27).

Benefic Dignity Interpretation

It is also worth mentioning that Dorotheus was a strong advocate of the interpretation of dignity as “benefic”. He clearly stated that dignity made benefics more benefic and malefics less so. This interpretation is one that I am critical of based on experience. Still, it is important to be aware of different ways that early astrologers interpreted things. They might not all interpret the same configuration the same way. Early interpretations may also fly in the face of assumptions or projections from the later tradition.

I’m equally critical of some other interpretations of common conditions in Dorotheus. For instance, I find his emphasis on angularity of triplicity lords of the sect light for success to be lacking in practice. He also advised that being under the beams was extremely weakening to a planet which has not been my experience. Still, they are part of Dorotheus’s particular approach to the chart.

Detriment, on the other hand, was not part of his approach to the chart. As noted in the introduction, we must distinguish what is good, valuable, or useful in Hellenistic astrology from what individual astrologers do or emphasize in their approaches. We also need to distinguish what is common among early Hellenistic astrologers.

Vettius Valens on Sign-Based Conditions

Vettius Valens (2nd century CE) was a traveling astrologer and teacher who wrote a huge multi-volume Anthology on techniques. He covered a large number of techniques not found elsewhere. His text is the source for most of the surviving chart analyses that we have from the era as it is rich in examples.

Valens didn’t use “detriment” or a detriment-like concept. He didn’t just fail to define it, but attention to it is absent in his numerous example charts.

Valens on Other Sign-Based Conditions

In Book I, Ch. 2, Valens described the signs of the zodiac. He noted there the ruler of most of the houses (domicile). That chapter was followed (Ch. 3) by one on specifying the terms or bounds of each planet.  In Book I, Ch. 11 (12 of Kroll edition), Valens noted the sex of twelfth-part divisions of the signs. Book II starts with a description of the triplicities (Ch. 1). Later, Valens defines exaltation and fall. However, there is no mention of detriment or a detriment-like concept.

Therefore, in Valens we see again a clear account of domicile, exaltation, fall, triplicity, and bound, but not detriment.

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Exaltation and Fall

Valens mentioned the use of the exaltation of the Sun and Moon for finding a Lot of Exaltation used for eminence. He also notes in Book II that it is an ill-omen when the Sun or Moon oppose their exaltation sign or the ruler of the Lot of Exaltation. Exaltations and falls are also used in relation to gains and instability in stature, respectively, in predictive techniques.

We see another stress on the exaltation and the fall of the Lights in the chapter on marriage (Book II, Ch. 38K). Valens does not, however, define the exaltations and depressions (fall) of the planets until Book III, Ch. 4. Valens does use exaltation, house, and triplicity quite extensively in his work. However, he does not define or use a detriment-like concept in which the sign opposite a planet’s domicile is debilitating to it in some way.

Valens’s Interpretation of Dignity

At many points, Valens uses dignity as showing fortification, strength, and stature. For instance, when examining planets that indicate with respect to the parents, he associates dignity, among other rejoicing conditions, as showing high stature.

“Whenever these operative stars are found in their own sects, in their own houses, in their own exaltations, with any benefic in superior aspect (or in fact in aspect at all), and when they do not precede an angle or are not afflicted by any malefic in the place where they rejoice, then these stars indicate that the parents’ affairs will be famous, distinguished, and illustrious. If the star that should indicate parents’ affairs has any malefics in aspect, either by projection of rays or by superior aspect, or if it is found in a place where it does not rejoice, it will indicate lowly and humble parents.” (Valens, Book II, Ch. 32P, Riley trans., 2009, p. 44)

Note that rather than emphasizing a negative dignity (fall), he notes a planet not in a place it rejoices as indicative of low stature. As we’ll see, Ptolemy also noted the corrupting influence of this situation of lacking a rejoicing condition.

Fortification and Stature

Dorotheus emphasized that the conditions increased good or lessened evil. Valens emphasized that the conditions cause the planet to produce its proper effect and to possibly indicate high stature (especially in the case of exaltation). In other words, one astrologer emphasizes a benefic distinction, while the other one of strength and sometimes stature.

For instance, take Valens on the bound ruler being in its own bound below where it is operative but can be so in a bad way. Note that the translation “houseruler” here means the ruler of the bound.

“if the houseruler is located in a given term, the houseruler will produce its proper effect as well, whether good or bad.” (Valens, Book I, Ch. 3, Riley trans., 2009, p. 8)

Exaltation and Fall Complications

Still, in some examples given by Valens, it is hard to disentangle the two interpretations (benefic or strength). This is particularly so as concerns exaltation and fall with respect to stature. For instance, there is an example where a person was exiled during an activation of the Sun (19 years) in fall in Libra and its exaltation Aries (20 years by rising time) occupied by Saturn (also in fall). The exile in the 39th year is thought to be shown by this activation. Is this a negative indication because of “fall” or is it a drop in social standing indicated by fall with particularly negative effects shown by opposition with Saturn?

RC and Opposition

I’ll return to Valens later below when we look at the interpretation of opposing a domicile. There are many remarks that Valens made about RC in his work, often with a stress on the opposition. Brennan has taken a couple of these to be supportive of the use of a detriment-like concept. Taken in context, together with the other similar remarks made by Valens, it becomes clear they are actually indicative of the use of RC with no implication of detriment whatsoever.

Claudius Ptolemy on Sign-Based Conditions

The common interpretation of detriment as involving unhealthy conflicting qualities would seem to be right up Ptolemy’s alley. Ptolemy (2nd century), one of the most influential scientists and polymaths of the ancient world, sought to conceptualize astrology in terms of Aristotelian physics in his massive Tetrabiblos.

The planets could cause changes in the quality of things in the sublunar realm. The combination of the planets with each other and the signs was examined in terms of the harmony or disharmony of their qualities.

These ideas would prove to be influential upon Rhetorius in his comments that inspired the development of detriment. However, Ptolemy had no concept of detriment in his own work.

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A Matter of Qualitative Affinity

For instance, Ptolemy explains rulerships in terms of qualitative affinity.

“The planets also have familiarity with the parts of the zodiac, through what are called their houses, triangles, exaltations, terms, the like. […] Since of the twelve signs the most northern, which are closer than the others to our zenith and therefore most productive of heat and of warmth are Cancer and Leo, they assigned these to the greatest and most powerful heavenly bodies, that is, to the luminaries […] For to Saturn, in whose nature cold prevails, as opposed to heat, and which occupies the orbit highest and farthest from the luminaries, were assigned the signs opposite Cancer and Leo, namely Capricorn and Aquarius, with the additional reason that these signs are cold and wintry […]” (Ptolemy, Book I, Ch. 17, Robbins trans., 1940)

The Ptolemaic Aristotelianism Lurking Behind Detriment

While Ptolemy didn’t have the distinction of detriment, his approach to the chart appears to have strongly influenced its development. The Aristotelian approach of Ptolemy suggests that close attention must be paid to the material sympathies between the planet and sign. His explanations of domicile rulerships, and of exaltation and fall, suggest that contrastive qualities underlie oppositions. Also, planets in his approach are strengthened by similarity and weakened by dissimilarity or contrast.

It is easy to see how a Ptolemaic approach to the chart easily lent itself to the creation of a “detriment” distinction on analogy with “fall”. In fact, the language frequently used to describe the “detriment” condition in later Medieval astrology tended to involve notions of corruption and/or unhealthiness. By contrast, exaltation and fall in early Hellenistic astrology revolved around the symbolism of raising up and bringing low. The concept of being unhealthily corrupted or handicapped by the influence of a materially contrastive ruler has, in my mind, Ptolemy’s influence all over it.

Lack of Detriment

Ptolemy doesn’t just explain domiciles in terms of quality but also the triplicities (Ch. 18), as well as the exaltations and the falls (Ch. 19). However, Ptolemy had no concept of detriment. He does not mention any clash of qualities that might result, for instance, from Jupiter being situated in Gemini. Rather, Jupiter is part of the air triplicity, with which it has an affinity. All of these matters are explained in the last half of Book I, which can be read freely online.

Other Divisions and Rejoicing Conditions

Ptolemy also mentioned a couple of different schemes for bound rulership (Ch. 20-21). In terms of twelfth-parts, he noted that some astrologers in his day used them, but he rejects any division he sees as purely symbolic rather than natural.

Interestingly, Ptolemy has an additional concept of “proper face” (start of Ch. 23) which appears to be a type of rejoicing condition. A planet in proper face is in the same aspect to the Sun or Moon as its domicile has with their domiciles. For instance, if Venus is in the 3rd sign from that of the Sun, such as the Sun in Virgo with Venus in Scorpio, then this echoes the arrangement of Leo and Libra. Arguably, he treats this as reinforcing, not unlike a planet in its own house, triplicity, exaltation, or bound.

Ptolemy’s Interpretation of Dignity

As noted, Ptolemy viewed these sign placements (house, exaltation, triplicity, bound, proper face) as reinforcing to the nature of the planet. The planet has a natural similarity or affinity to these areas of the zodiac. This reinforcement causes an increase in power and effectiveness. Therefore, for Ptolemy dignity is primarily a matter of strength and effectiveness, not of benefic or malefic nature.

Beyond Signs

When it comes to Ptolemy’s view of planetary strength, we must note that he considered sign-based conditions to be just one part. This sign-based part is discussed in Chapter 23 of Book I where he has 3 distinct levels of strength: 1. Chariot or throne which is from 2 or more of the rejoicing conditions – this is the greatest increase in effectiveness; 2. Just one sign-based rejoicing condition or at least a sign of the same sect – this is merely rejoicing; 3. An alien sign (peregrine) belonging to the opposite sect – this is paralyzing to the planet’s effectiveness. See his next chapter, Chapter 24, for his other non-sign-based conditions that influence planetary power.

Chariots and Thrones

“They are said to be in their own “chariots” and “thrones” and the like when they happen to have familiarity in two or more of the aforesaid ways with the places in which they are found; for then their power is most increased in effectiveness by the similarity and co-operation of the kindred property of the signs which contain them.” (Ptolemy, Book, Ch. 23, Robbins trans., 1940)

In this passage, it is clear that the greatest “effectiveness” by sign, for Ptolemy, involves 2 or more of his forms of “familiarity”. Note that effectiveness, not goodness, is the interpretation.

Rejoicing

“They say they “rejoice” when, even though the containing signs have no familiarity with the signs [planets] themselves, nevertheless they have it with the stars of the same sect; in this case the sympathy arises less directly. They share, however, in the similarity in the same way;” (Ptolemy, Book, Ch. 23, Robbins trans., 1940; brackets added to correct planets for signs)

In this next set of lines, we find Ptolemy defining “rejoice”. He omits to mention what to call the situation when a planet has only one form of familiarity. I think it is safe to say he intended that to fit into this category as well, or even slightly more powerful than this one. Rather, he states that even when there’s none of the five forms familiarity of the sign to the planet, there still may be familiarity through sect.

Sect Familiarity?

This last condition is somewhat ambiguous. I touched on it in my article on sign sex and sect. Does Ptolemy mean rulership by a sect mate, and if so, what type of rulership? By contrast, does he instead mean the sign is of the same sect as the planet? My interpretation is that he meant a sign of the same sect as the planet. As I noted in my article on sect, sect and triplicity were strongly related notions in ancient astrology, often noted together. Being in a sign of the same sect of the chart would tend to mean rulership by sect mates through triplicity. Ptolemy explicitly defined the signs belonging to each sect in Chapter 12 of Book I. In that sense, diurnal signs are ruled by the diurnal sect.

Still, Porphyry (3rd century) may have taken the other approach (Ch. 4 of his Introduction). In his explanation of the sect of planets he noted that diurnal planets rejoice when in the domiciles of diurnal planets. Therefore, being in the domicile of a sect mate could also be what was intended by Ptolemy as the familiarity of a sign with the sect mates.

Paralysation

“on the contrary, when they are found in alien regions belonging to the opposite sect, a great part of their proper power is paralysed, because the temperament which arises from the dissimilarity of the signs produces a different and adulterated nature.” (Ptolemy, Book, Ch. 23, Robbins trans., 1940; brackets added)

The worst sign-based situation for Ptolemy is being peregrine while in a region belonging to the opposite sect. Ptolemy did note planetary depressions (fall) in his earlier discussion of different forms of rulership but doesn’t bring it up here so its effect on “power” is unclear. One may presume it would have a “depressing” effect on planetary power, but its not clear. Perhaps it just brings along the brought low symbolism of fall as a possiblity ripe for activation. Again, note that “detriment” or something like it is not in Ptolemy’s vocabulary.

Note on Reinforcement

Ptolemy made one thing very clear. Dignity is fundamentally about reinforcement of planetary nature, which pertains to effectiveness and power. This is consistent with the comments Valens made about bounds but differs considerably from a view of dignity as benefic (Dorotheus).

Views of dignity pertaining to strength and planetary prominence, including my own views on dignity, are consistent with this interpretation. Other things in common between Ptolemy and Valens are their stress on many other conditions for planetary strength and the emphasis on the lack of a rejoicing condition as particularly weakening. More obviously, neither they, nor Dorotheus, used detriment.

Note on Level vs. Weighted Dignity and Influence

Another thing to consider with Ptolemy is that he put the different rejoicing conditions roughly on the same level. A planet in its exaltation, such as Jupiter in Cancer, could just have one form of familiarity, making it a middling position. By contrast, Jupiter in Gemini in its own bound, while the Sun is in Aquarius (Jupiter in proper face), has 3 forms of familiarity, a very powerful form of Jupiter in its chariot. This contrasts with typical dignity usage today in a lot of ways.

Similarly, Ptolemy also considered the influence of planets on points by rulership and aspect in an equal rather than weighted sort of fashion. A predominator or predominators would have more forms of influence. For instance, a bound ruler of a planet that aspects that planet would be considered more influential than an exaltation ruler with no aspect and no other form of rulership. One is influential in two ways, while the other in just one. However, late medieval astrologers would assign exaltation an influence of 4 points, bound only 2, and aspect and proper face none.

It is vitally important to understand how ancient astrologers actually used principles like dignity and predomination. They often differed in opinions, so projection of current or even medieval practices backward tend to cloud the understanding of Hellenistic astrology.

Antiochus and Porphyry on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

Antiochus of Athens was an influential astrologer typically placed in the 1st or 2nd century CE. His most important work, the Thesaurus, is survived by paraphrases and summaries in later works. Apparently the earliest and most notable of these works referencing The Thesaurus is “Introduction to the Tetrabiblos”, attributed to the 3rd-century philosopher Porphyry. A large portion of the work is a summary of Antiochus.

Porphyry’s summary of Antiochus lacks any mention of a detriment-like condition. Additionally, the portions of the late works, such as Rhetorius, which draw from Antiochus also don’t show evidence of a detriment-like concept in those sections which apparently paraphrase Antiochus. Therefore, there is no evidence of the use of a detriment like concept by Antiochus or Porphyry.

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Textual Issues

The surviving text of Porphyry is not a perfect representation of Antiochus though. First of all, it is a later manuscript which has had some material from 8th-century Persian astrologer Sahl Bin Bishr added to the end of it. Second, it is intended as an aid to understanding Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, not as a faithful reproduction of Antiochus. It is difficult to determine what may have come from other astrologers or may have been altered. Porphyry mentioned Antiochus only once in the work, and rather late, in Chapter 38.

The 6th or 7th-century astrologer, Rhetorius the Egyptian, also summarized large swaths of Antiochus in his huge Compendium. Therefore, one approach to Antiochus has been to compare Rhetorius with Porphyry, and both to a later Byzantine summary of Antiochus, in order to confirm contents. Of course, one issue is that the later summaries of Antiochus could also have been drawing on paraphrases of Porphyry attributed to Antiochus. There is a greater propensity to preserve and pass on work purportedly by Porphyry, an important Neoplatonic philosopher, than of a rather obscure astrologer little quoted in early Hellenistic astrology (Antiochus).

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Detriment in the Modern Hellenistic System

Robert Schmidt published a reconstruction of Antiochus’s Thesaurus in 1993, but the work was primarily a translation of Rhetorius, containing numerous additions not found in the Porphyry text. Some of those additions include references to later astrologers. More troubling are additions not found in Porphyry at all, including detriment.

Antiochus was taken as very closely representative of the Hellenistic system in the narrow sense by Schmidt. By considering Rhetorius to be close to Antiochus and Antiochus as close to the core system, the community ended up with a situation in which Rhetorius became representative of Hellenistic astrology in the narrow sense.

In other words, ostensibly the approach of the “last” major Hellenistic astrologer became taken as representative of the nature of the earliest core system. It is my opinion, that this is the source of the idea or assumption that “detriment” has always been a significant part of Hellenistic astrology. It is in Schmidt’s questionable early “reconstruction” of Antiochus.

Issues with Rhetorius

As I noted earlier, Rhetorius was at the very end of the Hellenistic tradition. He did preserve many ideas and practices from early Hellenistic astrologers. However, there was also the addition of new concepts. As Rhetorius’s text had a very significant impact on Perso-Arabic astrology, especially in the realm of horary, this development also made it easy to project later medieval astrology backward, as the way things were always done.

A contrastive opinion on Rhetorius is presented by Chris Brennan. He has noted that Rhetorius evidently rewrote a lot of the Antiochus material. In comparisons between the three texts, Rhetorius is typically the one at the greatest variance.

“He seems to have rewritten many of the definitions, in some instances to attempt to clarify the ambiguity in certain definitions, while in others in order to update them and bring them more in line with contemporary terminology and usage in the later part of the Hellenistic astrological tradition. As a result of the revisions, Rhetorius’ versions of the definitions are often at a variance with the one that appear in the Summary and in Porphyry, although in some instances they are still useful for clarifying earlier and later practices.” (Brennan, 2017, p. 86)

Porphyry as a Source

As noted, Schmidt initially took Rhetorius to be closest to Antiochus, despite the late date of Rhetorius. This was because, as Robert Hand noted in the introduction to their reconstruction, Rhetorius seemed to have copied the most. Rhetorius’s work was voluminous. However, it was not voluminous because he copied more Antiochus than anybody else. Rather, he was compiling quite a lot from different astrologers, together with his own ideas, into a compendium.

We will be taking Porphyry’s text as more representative of Antiochus. This is because the bulk of it pertains to the definitions of the Thesaurus and Porphyry was much closer in time, relatively unburdened by many of later developments in Hellenistic astrology. I will compare with Rhetorius though, indicated by a P for Porphyry’s chapter number and an R for the corresponding chapter of Rhetorius.

Rejoicing Conditions in Antiochus

Antiochus defined the domiciles (5P, 8R), as well as the exaltations and falls (6P, 7R). Interestingly, Porphyry noted that the exaltations have an aspectual rational. By contrast, Rhetorius explained the rationale at length as instead pertaining to symbolic contrasts between the signs a planet is exalted and in fall (probably following Ptolemy). We will return to this later, as Rhetorius followed the exaltation/fall passage with a similar one on houses and their opposites, clearly inspired by the exaltation/fall contrast. Still, even Rhetorius did not define a concept like “detriment” at that point in his work.

Bounds and triplicities are referred to in the Porphyry excerpts but not clearly defined. Rhetorius did explicitly define the triplicities (9R) but not the bounds. Both explore the decans (47P, 10R) and the twelfth-parts (39P, 18R).

Lack of Detriment

There is no detriment-like concept in Porphyry, indicative of the lack of that concept in Antiochus.

Actually, the concept is also lacking in the summary of Antiochus’s definitions by Rhetorius. Rhetorius only added material pertaining to how the nature of the ruler of the domiciles of the planets can be considered to “opposite” the nature of the ruler of the opposite sign, in parallel with the rationale he (Rhetorius, not Antiochus) gave for exaltation/fall. He did not give the sign opposite to the domicile a special label or define it as an anti-rejoicing condition here though. That happens instead in a different text, the summary of Teucer of Babylon on the nature of the signs, which has been attributed to Rhetorius.

Therefore, there is no evidence for detriment or a detriment-like concept in Antiochus (1st or 2nd century) or Porphyry (3rd century). There are intimations of it in Rhetorius (6th or 7th century). However, even in Rhetorius, detriment is not defined as a concept in his main text but rather in the other text attributed to him, a summary of Teucer of Babylon.

Interpretation of Dignity

In Antiochus (and Porphyry), dignity is interpreted as pertaining primarily to planetary power, as with Ptolemy, and to some extent Valens.

“Stars are said to be in their own chariots whenever they are posited in their own domicile or triplicity or exaltation and [are also] in their own terms. And a star will also be most powerful thus, even if it has come under the Sunbeams, for [then] it is even more powerful.” (Porphyry, Ch. 25, Holden trans., 2009, p. 19-20)

Ambiguous Chariot Wording

There has been some question about the accuracy of the added “are also” in the English translation, as it appears that it was a list of various conditions that could make for a “chariot” rather than restricted to being in addition to bound placement. In fact, in the translation of Rhetorius it is “or” terms rather than “and are also in their” terms (43R). In either case, as with Ptolemy, being in one’s “chariot” means an increase in the power of the planet in some sense.

Weakened Powers

Fall is the only negative sign-based condition noted (6P) and it pertains to power rather than maleficence.

“And the signs opposite the exaltations are their falls, in which they have weaker powers.” (Porphyry, Ch. 6, Holden trans., 2009, p. 10)

Malefic/Benefic Rulership

I think it is important to note that for the terms and domicile, a major consideration in Porphyry is whether the ruler is benefic or malefic. The benefic or malefic nature of the ruler of a planet’s term and sign were said to alter the quality of the planet for better or worse along benefic/malefic lines (see P49).

Porphyry explicitly considered being in the domicile and bound of a benefic especially good, and of a malefic especially bad. Therefore, there is a sense in which sign-based dignity is reinforcing to the power of the planet, for good or ill, while the benefic or malefic nature of the planet and its rulers alters the benefic/malefic quality. Again, this contrasts with the Dorothean interpretation where sign-based rejoicing makes planetary indications more benefic.

Paulus Alexandrinus on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

Paulus Alexandrinus was a notable Hellenistic astrologer of the 4th century CE. He composed his “Introductory Matters” in 378 CE.

Paulus clearly defined a variety of forms of rulership, as well as the concept of fall. He did not, however, have any concept of detriment, or the like. This is significant as he is in the 4th century, possibly 500 years removed from the foundational texts. He is already often quoting secondary sources like Ptolemy. He is an astrologer who carefully defined a large number of concepts but had no sense of “detriment” as a distinct concept whatsoever, let alone an important principle of interpretation.

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Sign-Based Conditions in Paulus

In the 2nd chapter of the work, he describes the signs of the zodiac. The description includes which planets have their domicile, exaltation, fall, and triplicity (only the first two rulers) in each sign. In the next chapter (3), Paulus outlined the bounds.  After that (in Ch. 4), Paulus outlined the decans, then the monomoiria (rulership of individual degrees; Ch. 5). Later, he defined a variety of sympathies between signs, as well as his idiosyncratic form of twelfth-parts (Ch. 22).

Interpretation in Paulus

It is hard to get a good sense of the way that Paulus interpreted a planet being in a sign or bound that it ruled, or conversely being in fall. He noted the distinctions but does not clearly provide an interpretation for a planet in a place of rulership.

Thrones

At one point he does refer to a planet in its own “throne” (Ch. 36 on the chart lord). His use of counts of rulership and his reference to “throne” both show Ptolemy’s influence. Therefore, it is assumed that Paulus was consistent with Ptolemy in his view of the fortification of a planet’s power by a share of rulership.

“For a diurnal birth, it will be necessary to examine the bound-ruler, exaltation-ruler, or trigonal master of the Sun; for a nocturnal birth the bound-ruler and house-steward of the Moon, and the rest in the manner as above. Of the aforesaid ways, when one star should have more counts than the others and should be found at morning rising on a pivot and in its own throne, this one [then] has the Rulership, especially if it should oversee the light of the sect.” (Paulus Alexandrinus, Ch. 36, Greenbaum trans., 2001, p. 75)

Firmicus Maternus on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

Maternus was a 4th-century Roman astrologer, writing in Latin. His Mathesis is a massive 8 volume work on natal astrology. Despite the massive nature of the text, the fact that it draws on diverse sources, and the inclusion of whole chapters dedicated to laying out all relevant principles of interpretation, there is no concept of detriment in Maternus’s text.

Sign-Based Conditions in Maternus

The second volume (Book II) clearly lays out all the distinctions pertaining to the signs. Chapter 2 lays out the domiciles of the planets, and there is no mention of special consideration pertaining to the signs opposite them. The next chapters outline the exaltations and falls of the planets. Maternus then goes on to discuss the decans (Ch. 5), the bounds (Ch. 7), the triplicities (16a), the twelfth-parts (Ch. 17), the antiscia (Ch. 30), and more.

His treatment of triplicities is restricted to the directional wind associated with each triplicity and does not define the lords. There is a lacuna in the text in Book II right around the discussion of sect which may have contained more information on triplicity.

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Lack of Detriment

There is no concept of detriment or anything like it in Maternus’s treatment. Maternus is yet another example of an important early Hellenistic astrologer who took pains to lay out the various sign rulerships, and noted fall, but had no detriment-like concept. As with Paulus, he is about 500 years into the tradition, and there is already an emphasis on secondary sources.

Maternus’s Interpretation

In Maternus, we see a mash-up of power, stature, and beneficence when interpreting dignity. In fact, he has the most exaggerated interpretation of dignity of any Hellenistic astrologer.

In other astrologers, we would see an emphasis on other matters for determining both strength and beneficence, with self-rulership being a relatively minor consideration. When it was considered we saw some variation between interpretations based on beneficence (Dorotheus), stature (Valens), and power or effectiveness (Valens, Ptolemy, Antiochus/Porphyry, Paulus).

With Maternus we see not only an interpretation that combines stature and benefic qualities. Furthermore, there is also the direct assertion that more planets in dignity equate to a better and more successful person.

Dignity as a Measure of Personal Value

The chapter on “The Quality of Nativities” directly correlates the quality of one’s existence with the number of planets in domicile. Surely, Maternus could not have anticipated the charts of Ted Turner and Jeffrey Dahmer.

When I first got into traditional astrology, I saw a lot of traditional work being done along these lines. It was simply assumed that planets in dignity meant “better in every way”. While this was the view of Maternus, I was pleased upon studying the other Hellenistic astrologers to see that a simple “more powerful” or “fortified” interpretation was more common, and that, in fact, other factors were typically more stressed than dignity.

The Fortune-Domicile Hierarchy

“He who has two stars in their own domiciles in opportune houses is elevated with moderate good fortune. He will be lucky beyond measure and powerful who has three. He who has four planets posited in their own domiciles attains a felicity nigh unto that of the Gods. […] But whoever has no planet posited in its own domicile will be unknown, of low degree, and always involved in wretched activities.” (Maternus, Book II, Ch. 23 [II.21], Holden trans., 2011, p. 71)

Other Dignities

In his chapter (II.3) on exaltation and fall (Chapters 3-4 of Holden), Maternus similarly associated exaltation with good fortune and high status, while fall with bad fortune and the impoverishment. He also asserted that planets are better in their exaltations than even in their own domiciles. He considered a planet in its own bound to be just like a planet in its own domicile.

Pseudo-Manetho

There is a Hellenistic text attributed to Manetho which has a similar interpretation of dignity as that given by Maternus. The dating of the text is difficult because the original author was believed to have written in the early 2nd century (born in 80 CE) but the work came together in the next couple of centuries after that with additions from other authors. In any case, a section of Book 2, starting at line 141, is very similar to the “better in every way” interpretation we find in Maternus.

“All of the stars in their own houses at the time of birth are very good; when benefic, they are better, and they give more good things; and when malefic, they give fewer bad things. Accordingly, it is particularly important to consider how many (planets) are seen to be in their own houses or terms. If they are more, they are by far better. But if they are fewer, they grant a lesser glory and profession to one’s livelihood.” (Manetho, Book II, #141-147, Lopilato trans., 1998, p. 207)

Today’s Interpretive Choices

Again, I strongly disagree with such views. I present them because it is vital to see the very different approaches of basic principles of the system in the narrow sense, which are still Hellenistic astrology in the broad sense. Valens explicitly noted that power was increased for signifying good or bad when a planet was in its own bound. Similarly, there is an emphasis on planetary power or effectiveness in Ptolemy and Antiochus/Porphyry. Dorotheus, Manetho, and Maternus see it as an increase in the good fortune associated with a planet.

These are actually quite different interpretations. They imply that the foundational texts didn’t lay out the interpretation of such positions very distinctly. It takes experience with charts and critical thinking to determine which interpretation is most fruitful (i.e. reflective of circumstances, especially at activations of the positions).

The First 500 Years: A Recap

We have looked at the major astrologers of the first 500 years of Hellenistic astrology, from about the 1st or 2nd century BCE to the end of the 4th century CE. Manilius, another 1st-century astrologer, was not explored because of his lack of significant influence on the tradition, but he too did not use detriment in his text. It is safe to conclude that “detriment” or a similar concept to it was not a part of the Hellenistic system in a narrow sense. It was quite a late addition.

We are left with some pertinent questions. First, if the pivotal early Hellenistic astrologers like Dorotheus, Ptolemy, Valens, Antiochus, Porphyry, Paulus, and Maternus didn’t require a concept of detriment, why should we? Second, where the heck did detriment come from? While pondering the first question, let’s move on to examine the second one.

Section 2: The Late Hellenistic Intimations of Detriment

We don’t see our first evidence for a detriment-like concept emerge until about the 5th century CE, and then only loosely. If remarks by Hephaistion are taken out of context or one does a fair bit of reading between the lines combining two texts attributed to Rhetorius, one comes away with a new detriment-like planetary condition.

These intimations of detriment (particularly Rheotrius) spurred its later development. However, detriment is still not clear even in these late Hellenistic intimations. See Olympiadorus (below) for evidence that detriment was still not a widespread part of astrological practice (i.e no mention in one major treatment) in the 6th century. As we’ll see in Section 3, Perso-Arabic astrologers didn’t inherit a concept of detriment. Rather, it slowly developed in the following centuries before becoming an integral part of astrological practice.

Point of Entry

Intimations of detriment are due largely to a melding of a Ptolemaic rationalizing approach to planet-sign relationships with a desire for a clean analogy between the two types of sign-based rulership (domicile and exaltation). As Ptolemy’s work became more popular in the centuries after his death, I think the environment was ripe for the development of a concept like detriment.

We see this in the addition of some of the features of detriment in Rhetorius. In Rhetorius, we clearly see an overzealous attempt at rationalizing the opposition of domiciles on analogy with exaltation and fall. It is through the influence of Rhetorius that the concept appears to have eventually become a component of Perso-Arabic astrology, and from there to later traditional astrology (European Medieval Astrology; European Renaissance Astrology; Late Traditional Astrology).

Hephaistio of Thebes on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

Hephaistio (sometimes written as Hephaistion) was an influential astrologer of the 5th century CE who sought to synthesize the methodologies of Ptolemy and Dorotheus. By Hephaistio’s time astrologers were drawing primarily on secondary sources, such as Ptolemy and Dorotheus, rather than the foundational texts. The work of Ptolemy and Dorotheus would actually shape Hephaistio’s approach.

Hephaistio wrote in Greek and often quoted directly from the Greek verses of Dorotheus. This makes him one of the best sources for Dorothean fragments true to the original. His Book III is one of the most important works of inceptional (electional and event astrology) of the Hellenistic period. It draws on Dorotheus but also a number of other astrologers to present a rich and diverse compendium of approaches to elections.

Hephaistio’s influence on the later Perso-Arabic tradition appears to have been only indirect. There does not appear to have been a translation of the three books of his Apotolesmatiks into Arabic. However, as we’ll see, he did have an impact on a number of later Byzantine compilations.

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Book I and II

Hephaistio’s Book I pertains to astrological principles and mundane astrology. Natal topics are dealt with in Book II. Hephaistio did define sign-based rejoicing conditions in Book I of his work, without any mention of detriment or a detriment-like concept in those passages. However, he has a paraphrase of Dorotheus deep in Book II concerning solar returns which some have interpreted as reflective of a detriment-like condition.

Rulerships

Hephaistio opened Book I with a chapter on the signs. This section heavily emphasizes the meaning of the decans. Chapters 6-8 present the triplicities, places the stars rejoice, as well as exaltations and falls by way of directly quoting verses of Dorotheus.

Chapter 13, a particularly confusing one, defines the ruler and co-ruler of a house, as well as the ruler of the chart. Hephaistio appears to say that the domicile lord rules a house but that one should also consider as “co-ruler” an occupant that rules its own position by exaltation, triplicity, or bound. Hephaistio’s chart lord is the planet with the most of five relations to the Sun (house, exaltation, triplicity, bound, or phase).

In Chapter 18, Hephaistio defined the twelfth-parts. In Chapter 19, Hephaistio defined the chariots and thrones in the same manner as Ptolemy (2 or more affiliations). There is no defining of a detriment-like concept in Book I, despite treatment of the other sign-based rejoicing conditions. Therefore, when Hephaistio had the explicit opportunity to define a detriment-like concept he did not.

Detriment?

As noted, Hephaistio, like the major Hellenistic astrologers before him, took pains to describe the planetary sign-based rejoicing conditions, which did not include any detriment-like concept. However, in Book II, Ch. 27, “Concerning the Year”, we find the following statement:

“That when the stars are in opposition to their own domiciles, they are corrupted.” (Hephaistio, Book II, Ch. 27, Schmidt trans., 1998, p. 81)

On the face of it, this would appear to be a clear introduction of the concept of detriment in the 5th century by Hephaistio. As Hephaistio is apparently paraphrasing Dorotheus, some might even suggest that detriment came from Dorotheus. In fact, Brennan (2017) noted this very passage as one supporting his reconstruction of detriment. Therefore, we should more closely examine the context of this passage.

Context

Part of that context involves the lack of mention of such a condition in Book I where Hephaistio lays out such conditions. The other part of the context pertains to this passage itself. I’ve noted that the Hephaistio passage occurs in a discussion of the interpretation of the solar return. This is quite a different context from the Anubio passage which is within a section on planetary configurations in the natal chart. This casts doubt on the idea that Hephaistio is here paraphrasing a passage in Dorotheus that was parallel to the passage in Anubio on opposition of a ruler. More likely, Hephaistin is paraphrasing a passage in Dorotheus on the interpretation of the solar return.

Solar Return Interpretation

The chapter, “Concerning the Year”, is an exploration of solar returns and related annual methods. The focus is particularly on the Dorothean approach to them. Let’s see the passage together with the lines before it.

“That it is also necessary to set up the Hōroskopos of the year in the counter-nativity [solar return], and the stars [planets] that contemplate it and its lord by fixity [natally] and by transit. That the stars occupying their own thrones rejoice even if they should be under the beams; the benefics increase the good things and the destroyers are changed over in the direction of beneficence. That when the stars are in opposition to their own domiciles, they are corrupted. That when we make the circumambulations of the stars in the division of the times, it is necessary to know that the contacts of the planets […]” (Hephaistio, Book II, Ch. 27, Schmidt trans., 1998, p. 80-81, bracketed items added by me)

Hephaistio goes on to make other examinations of the solar return chart and lord of the year in forecasting events for the year. The stress on the chapter “Concerning the Year” is clearly on the annual predictive techniques, especially the solar return transits. “Opposition to their own domiciles” may refer to the solar return transits. It is also slightly ambiguous. Does Hephaistion refer to solar return planets opposing the houses they rule or the houses they natally occupy?

Dorotheus on Solar Returns

The ambiguity is important. In the Schmidt translation a footnote refers the reader to Schmidt’s own Antiochus reconstruction. The concept of detriment as Schmidt constructed it from his reading of Rhetorius is projected backward onto Hephaistio, as it was onto Antiochus.

As Hephaistio is drawing primarily on Dorotheus in the section, it is more instructive to look at the manuscripts of Dorotheus that have come down to us. Interestingly, Dorotheus highlights a planet opposed to its natal position as particularly important when analyzing the solar return.

“Now I will also make clear to you the changing over of each of the seven to the places of the others. Each planet of the seven, when it reaches the place which it looked at [aspected] from the seventh [opposition] on the day the native was born [solar return], it will be harsh in misfortune.” (Dorotheus, Book IV, Ch. 4, Dykes trans., 2018, p. 221, bracketed items added by me)

Reconciling Hephaistion and Dorotheus

Hephaistio regularly attempted to synthesize Ptolemy and Dorotheus. His section on the year even ends with a short quote from Dorotheus. The section pertains primarily to the Dorothean annual methods. His passage on oppositions in the solar return appears to be a reference to the Dorothean passage on planets opposing the signs they natally occupy. That interpretation is more consistent with the evidence than an interpretation that treats this as “detriment” (sign-based debility).

That interpretation is also consistent with one of the Dorotheus Excerpts (XXXI):

“Every star which by transit is diametrical to its natal position, is difficult.” (Dorotheus, Dykes trans., 2017, p. 343)

Therefore, Hephaistion appears to have garbled a passage on the difficulty of the opposition by transit just enough to appear to introduce planetary corruption for a planet opposed to its own house. Whether he viewed that corruption as significant as a general chart principle or just in the context of solar return configurations (and elections as we’ll see below) is unclear. However, he did not feel it was important enough to mention as a general interpretive principle when treating of such principles.

Complications from a Note on Elections

Unfortunately, Hephaistio may have interpreted (perhaps incorrectly) a possibly ambiguous Dorothean passage as pertaining to opposing the house the planet rules rather than the one it occupies. In support of this view, Hephaistio notes in Book III, for the ideal electional chart “the stars should not be in diameters with their own houses and exaltations” (Ch. 2, #3, Gramaglia trans., p. 36-37).

Also in support of this view is the fact that late compilations took the passage out of its predictive context. Statements in a compilation attributed to Serapio and in the late compilation Liber Hermetis echo the solar return passage from Hephaistio about planets opposing domiciles turning bad. After all, while in the midst of a discussion of return methodology, Hephaistio also mentions how “thrones” create accidental benefics immediately prior. Therefore, it was evidently taken by some ancient compilers (and more recently Rob Schmidt, Rob Hand, and even Chris Brennan) as an interlude on dignity in the midst of a section on annual methods.

Interpolation

The Hephaistion manuscripts are from the 11th and 13th centuries. It would be all too easy for “houses” to have slipped into the elections passage, or even for the interlude about chariots and planets opposing their domiciles in the solar return to have been added.

Interpolation, the addition of small bits of material, was not uncommon in ancient astrological manuscripts. A late Byzantine compiler familiar with the later concept of detriment could easily add in a note here or there to mention an important concept they think was left out. Recognizing this possibility is not paranoia but is simply a must with ancient astrological texts. For instance, listen to the discussion with Levente Laszlo where he discusses this.

Astrological texts were used as practical manuals, so when copied it was not unusual to add additional details that a copyist thought may have been important omissions or even related passages from other texts.

Historical Context Matters

The surviving manuscripts and fragments of Dorotheus, Ptolemy, and many other major astrologers don’t show any evidence of a detriment-like concept. It became an important principle only in about the 9th century. Detriment appears to have developed without any influence from Hephaistio, whose work didn’t make it into Arabic.

As planetary corruption due to detriment was not a significant chart principle among even most early Perso-Arabic astrologers we must be wary of seeing it as an important principle in Hephaistio’s astrology or the astrology of that period, let alone prior periods. We have learned from today’s “reconstructions” of detriment into Hellenistic astrology that it is all too easy to anachronistically project later developments onto the past as if things were always done that way.

Detriment became an ubiquitous planetary debility and sign classification in astrology in the centuries prior to the copying of the surviving Hephaistio manuscripts. There is a very real possibility that the stray, somewhat out-of-place interlude on dignity that marks the first appearance of planetary corruption was not so much an innovation of Hephaistio but a later addition to the text. T

Possibilities

Was Hephaistio the first to use a planetary debility akin to detriment, back in the 5th century? It’s impossible to say on such scant evidence. If he did have a concept of detriment it was odd that he didn’t mention it when defining sign-based conditions in Book I. Why only mention it as problemantic to planets in the context of solar return transits and elections? Did he only consider it as relevant in those contexts in his own work?

Perhaps Hephaistio developed something like a concept of Detriment while in the middle of writing his work. He could have misinterpreted the Dorothean passage as implying opposition to domicile was unfortunate. After including that interpretation in Book II, maybe he felt inclined to advise that one avoid that placement in elections too just to be safe. Or perhaps one or both passages has been added to or corrupted over the centuries and no longer accurately represents what Hephaistio believed. We will probably never know.

Possible Intimations

In Hephaistio we see the possibility that detriment may have started to develop on analogy with fall. The evidence is weak. At best, Hephaistio warned to avoid putting planets in the sign opposite their domicile in elections, and that such planets are corrupted in solar returns. If that is the case, then still for Hephaistio it had not become a chart principle important enough to define in the book delineating the main distinctions of the chart.

At worse, passages on solar returns and elections were mangled just enough over more than 600 years of transmission to the form we are left with to give the impression of something like detriment. As noted, the solar return passage is fairly ambiguous when considered together with the surviving Dorotheus. The electional passage would just need the interpolation of a couple words.

Legacy

Hephaistio was not translated into Arabic. His influence on that tradition could’ve been only indirect, unlike Rhetorius whose influence on the later tradition was great. He is an astrologer who took pains to define sign-based rejoicing and debility. He didn’t define a detriment-like concept, yet also may have made comments hinting at something like detriment. In that his text stands as a point of transition toward detriment’s development.

His legacy lies primarily in later compilations like that attributed to Serapio, as well as the Liber Hermetis. More on such works below. In such works, the passage about planets opposing their houses turning bad is echoed, though outside of a return transit context.

Interpretation of Dignity

The Hephaistio quote from Book II which I cited above reflects a Dorothean interpretation of dignity. Benefics become more benefic, malefics become less malefic. As Hephaistio was synthesizing Ptolemy and Dorotheus, it is possible that he fused both of their interpretations. A fusion in which planets in a place of rulership became both more powerful or prominent and more benefic (i.e. simply better) came to predominate in the later tradition.

Olympiadorus on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

Olympiadorus is a 6th century astrologer who commented upon the work of Paulus Alexandrinus. I won’t devote a lot of attention to him here. A couple things are notable about him though. First, there is no detriment in the text.

The commentary is from the 6th century and shows emphases pertaining to the late tradition such quadrant houses. Still, Olympiadorus does not refer to any detriment-like concept in it. This speaks against the assumption that a “detriment-like” concept was an established part of Hellenistic astrological practice even as late as the 6th century (in fact, it never was as established part of Hellenistic practice).

Corrects the Idiosyncratic Twelfth-Parts

The second notable thing is that while Paulus used an idiosyncratic form of twelfth-parts in which a position was multiplied by 13 rather than 12, Olympiadorus in his commentary instructs to use the typical twelfth-parts (see Greenbaum trans., 2001, p. 82 & p. 102-103).

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Rhetorius on Sign-Based Rejoicing Conditions

As noted, Chris Brennan credited Rhetorius with the first definition of a detriment-like condition in Hellenistic astrology. Rhetorius is typically dated to the 6th or 7th century CE. He is often considered the last notable Hellenistic astrologer; the bookend to Hellenistic astrology.

Rhetorius wrote a large Compendium which includes material from a wide variety of sources, together with his own commentary. The work is quite varied. There are a number of references to sign-based rejoicing conditions.

Two passages attributed to Rhetorius are often referred to as our best Hellenistic source of a detriment-like concept. However, the one that gets the most attention, his passage on definitions, actually contains no clear reference to such a condition. The clearest reference is actually in the second place, the summary of Teucer of Babylon’s treatment of the signs of the zodiac that was attributed to him. Let’s look at the two passages in more detail.

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Rhetorius on the Contrariety of the Planetary Rulers

The passage that is cited the most with regard to a detriment-like condition in Hellenistic astrology is Chapter 8 of the Compendium. Its title may be translated as “The Oppositions of the Stars” (Holden trans.) or “Concerning the Contrarieties of the Stars” (Schmidt trans., 1993 Antiochus reconstruction). However, before we can analyze the passage in some depth, we need to familiarize ourselves with the terminology used in the Greek and the various translation conventiones that have emerged for it.

Terminology: In the Anti

The Ancient Greek term at issue, which is variously translated as “opposition” or “contrariety” is “enantiōma”. Related terms, involving the same compond root of “en-anti”, also appear in Hellenistic astrological texts (and other Hellenistic texts in general), and were relatively common. he root term “en” is cognate with English “in” while the root term “anti” is common in English as it was borrowed from Ancient Greek. Terms with the “en-anti” root then have a sense of being in-the-anti, or in the opposing position. It has a relatively similar range of meaning as “opposition” words in English, such as “opposite” and “opponent”.

Two Translation Conventions

Robert Schmidt and James Herschel Holden were among our most competent translators of Greek astrological texts. Holden chose “opposition”, while Schmidt opted for “contrariety”. While both quite accurately capture the meaning in Rhetorius, the wording chosen by Schmidt appeared to have one slight advantage. It captured the fact that different terms were typically used for the aspect of opposition (i.e. diameter, in the 7th from). At least that’s how the story goes. And since different terms were typically used for the opposition aspect, enantioma was taken to be the term for a particularly special form of opposition or contrariety – the Hellenistic detriment.

However, as I later discovered, enanti terms were in fact used by astrologers for the simple configuration of opposition. While not the most common term, it was a ready enough alternative form for the simple oppositional aspect (for evidence see here). An astrologer reading a Hellenistic text would be aware of this common meaning of this common term. The most similar English term, which is just as common, has a similar range of meaning, and can also be used for the aspect is “opposite” and its derivatives (opposition). Therefore, it has emerged that “opposite” or “opposition” is the more accurate translation.

Ptolemaic-Style Justification for Arrangement or Planetary Condition?

Both Schmidt and Holden’s translations of the passage are quite consistent, apart from the choice of opposite or contrary for the key term. This is an important fact because it is often asserted that the passage says something it does not. The passage does not say that a planet is in a state of contrariety when it is in a position opposite its own house. It is lacking any comments on a planetary debility. Rather, the passage states that each house is contrary/opposite another house because the rulers of those houses have contrary/opposite natures.

In other words, it is a Ptolemaic-style justification for the arrangement of houses. Rhetorius, playing on the meanings of the root for opposite (enanti), provides a rationale in which houses are arranged opposite each other because they are ruled by planets that are “opposites”.

What it is lacking, is any statement that a planet is itself in a “contrary” condition when opposite its own house. Without such a statement there is no detriment-like condition (i.e. condition of planetary debility in the sign opposite the domicile).

Exaltations and Falls

As noted earlier, the work by Antiochus, as summarized in Porphyry, gave no rationale for the arrangement of exaltations and falls. On the other hand, Ptolemy gave a detailed justification, as he felt that such arrangements had to be explained by an appeal to the qualitative natures of things. In Rhetorius, just before his treatment of the Contrarieties of the Stars, he gives us a Ptolemaic treatment of exaltations and depressions (Ch. 7).

“Having said then all the physical mixture of the signs, we will come to the causes of the exaltations and falls and the opposites of the stars; for what reason is the Sun exalted here, Saturn in its fall there; and Saturn exalted here, and the Sun in its fall there? For we say that the Sun is the storehouse of fire and light and the lord of the day, but Saturn on the other hand is cold signifying darkness.” (Rhetorius, Ch. 7, Holden trans., 2009, p. 6)

Recalling Ptolemy

Note the use of Ptolemaic language like “cause” and “physical mixture” in the quote above. Let’s look at similar statements by Ptolemy on exaltation.

“Saturn again, in order to have a position opposite to sun, as also in the matter of their houses, took, contrariwise, Libra as his exaltation and Aries as his depression. For where heat increases there cold diminishes, and where the former diminishes cold on the contrary increases.” (Ptolemy, Book I, Ch. 19, Robbins trans., 1940)

We should also recall Ptolemy’s own treatment of why the domiciles of the luminaries and Saturn are opposite each other, as I cited above.

“Since of the twelve signs the most northern, which are closer than the others to our zenith and therefore most productive of heat and of warmth are Cancer and Leo, they assigned these to the greatest and most powerful heavenly bodies, that is, to the luminaries […] For to Saturn, in whose nature cold prevails, as opposed to heat, and which occupies the orbit highest and farthest from the luminaries, were assigned the signs opposite Cancer and Leo, namely Capricorn and Aquarius, with the additional reason that these signs are cold and wintry […]” (Ptolemy, Book I, Ch. 17, Robbins trans., 1940)

The Ptolemaic Precursor

In the Ptolemaic passages from which I’ve drawn the excerpts above, Ptolemy already rationalized rulership arrangements by quality, including planetary quality. He also drew a parallel between exaltation/fall and houses opposed to each other. You see, Ptolemy noted that the oppositions between the homes of luminaries and those of Saturn pertain to the contrary qualities of the signs. Yet, he also pointed to the opposition between the Sun’s exaltation and that of Saturn based on planetary qualities.

Following Ptolemy’s model, Rhetorius only invented a rationale to go along with every opposition of signs based on contrary qualities of rulers, both exaltation and domicile. In Chapter 7, Rhetorius gave his Ptolemaic style exposition of contrary exaltation rulers. In Chapter 8, he does so for domicile rulers. However, he does not go very far beyond Ptolemy here. Like Ptolemy, he only offers a sort of rationale of arrangement. He does not name a new condition of planetary debility called contrariety which a planet can find itself in.

Rhetorius on Contrariety

Below, you will find a quote from the first section of Holden’s (2009) translation of Chapter 8 of Rhetorius. This is the controversial section. I put in brackets where Schmidt used the terms contrary or contrariety in his 1993 translation of the same passage (his Antiochus “reconstruction”).

“For what reason are the domiciles of the Sun and the Moon opposite [contrary] to the domiciles of Saturn? We say that the Sun and the Moon are the luminaries of the world, but Saturn is the lord of darkness. Then always is the light opposite [contrary] to the darkness and the darkness to the light. Again, on what account are the domiciles of Mercury opposite [contrary] to the domiciles of Jupiter and the domiciles of Jupiter opposite [contrary] to the domiciles of Mercury? We say that Jupiter is the ruler of wealth and abundance, but Mercury is always the lord of words; for logic is always opposed [contrary] to and contemptuous of the desire for wealth, and abundance is opposed [contrary] to logic. Again, for what reason are the domiciles of Mars opposed [contrary] to the domiciles of Venus? We say that Venus is the ruler of all desire and enjoyment and pleasure, but Mars of all fear and war and anger. Always then are enjoyment and longing and pleasure opposed [contrary] to dread and irascibility and hostility.” (Rhetorius, Ch. 8, Holden trans., 2009, p. 7-8)

Rhetorius then goes on to explore how configurations of Venus with Mars, and Venus with Saturn, result in issues with fidelity and reproduction due to their opposite meanings.

Contrary Significations?

Rhetorius’s logic is very questionable. Mercury, the traditional planet of commerce is suddenly “opposed” to wealth? Mars, the traditional planet of passion is “opposed” to desire? There is little “natural” or “inevitable” about these supposedly contrary qualities. All planets have some similar and some contrary significations.

Venus surely has more contrast with Saturn than with Mars, its passionate nocturnal sect mate. For first century Romans, there was concern about whether it was safe to allow the worship of three particular gods within the city. Those three were Vulcan for risk of fire, and then Venus and Mars due to their arousing passions. Oddly in Rhetorius’s scheme, the planet of sexuality (Venus) is even of a contrary nature to a water sign that rules the genitals (Scorpio).

Venus-Saturn

Rhetorius quickly moves from considering Venus-Mars combinations to dwelling on Venus-Saturn ones. However, Venus and Saturn don’t have opposing domciles, and Saturn is in fact exalted in one of Venus’s signs (Libra). The common thread in the passage about problematic combinations of planets with contrary qualities is Venus when combined with a malefic – not the combination of two planets that rule opposing domiciles.

It is clear that any combination of a planet with significations of a malefic could be potentially problematic. That is because malefics signify extremes.

Mercury-Jupiter as a Malefic-Free Example

On the other hand, it is not clear why planets which rule opposite domiciles should pose any problem in combination. For instance, in Book I, Ch. 19, on “the combinations of the stars”, Valens notes among other things that combinations of Mercury with Jupiter (and Moon with Saturn) are beneficial and that the two planets are in harmony. Are they in harmony as Valens asserted or opposed in quality as Rhetorius asserted? Dorotheus, Manetho, and Valens all gave delineations for Mercury-Jupiter combinations that are exceedingly positive.

Therefore, Rhetorius stretched Ptolemaic logic, and his play on the word “opposite”, beyond their limits. He arrived at a rationale for house opposition that is not traditional. Unfortunately, it has been taken by some to imply a whole new doctrine of contariety as well which leads to interpretations of planetary combination and planet with sign that are inconsistent with early Hellenistic astrology. Rhetorius’s remarks on the arrangement of the houses should be taken with quite a bit of salt.

Conclusions on Contariety

Again, Rhetorius does not create a planetary condition in the passage on contrariety. There is no planetary debility called “contrariety” being evoked. Rather, this section is simply an elaboration of the sort of justifications given by Ptolemy for the rulership arrangements. If this were the only passage attributed to Rhetorius on opposition to domicile, then we’d have to conclude the Rhetorius did not have a detriment-like concept.

Rhetorius on the Signs

The section of Rhetorius where detriment suddenly appears as a planetary condition is more controversial. It is actually another text entirely – a summary of Teucer of Babylon on the signs of the zodiac which was said to be a translation made and added to by Rhetorius. It is controversial for a number of reasons.

Controversial Features

First and foremost, the section is attributed to Teucer of Babylon but shows evidence of the interpolation of material from Ptolemy. Therefore, it is clearly not just material from Teucer of Babylon (an astrologer typically dated to the 1st century or earlier). It is likely material by Teucer that was compiled with material by other astrologers on the signs, perhaps even with additions by Rhetorius himself.

Second, there is some controversy as to whether the material is even from Rhetorius. It is not part of the main compendium. Holden, in a History of Horoscopic Astrology, puts “Rhetorius” in quotes as the author of the material. He noted that he put Rhetorius in quotes because Pingree had suggested it is not certain whether Rhetorius actually authored the material. A later compiler, summarizing and adding to Teucer, may have written this material which was attributed to Rhetorius.

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Third, Holden translates passages as saying X sign is the “detriment” of Y planet. This is clearly an anachronistic translation. It projects the later concept of “detriment” which would have been unknown to the reader in that day, into a Hellenistic text. Holden doesn’t specify what Greek term he is translating as “detriment”.

The Detriment Of…

The text, in Holden’s translation, clearly identifies which sign is the “detriment” of each planet.

“The sign Aries is {…}. domicile of Mars, the exaltation of the Sun, around the 19th degree, the fall of Saturn around the 21st degree, the triplicity by day of the Sun, by night of Jupiter, common [to both] Saturn, the detriment of Venus.” (Rhetorius, The Twelve Signs from Teucer of Babylon, Holden trans., 2009, p. 167, curly brackets and bolding added)

Similarly, Taurus is said to be the “detriment of Mars” and so forth for many of the other signs.

Translation Convention

Of course, it would be helpful to know what Holden is here translating as “detriment”. The section he is translating is freely available for analysis at this link. It is page 194-213 of CCAG 7. Please see the top of page 195, which is the tail end of the section I quoted a translation for above on Aries. You will find the following text from about the middle of the second line (accents and breathing marks omitted):

“εναντιωμα Αφροδιτης”

In our spelling, this is ‘enantíoma Aphrodítes’. The most direct translation is “opposite of Venus”. Thus, in the sign descriptions attributed to Rhetorius (and Teucer), we find our first instance of “contrariety” or “opposite” as a planetary condition. It is now Venus that is in its “opposite” or “contrariety” in Aries, rather than just that Aries is opposite to Libra because Mars has a nature that is the opposite of Venus, as in the passage in the actual compendium.

Note also that the translation of “detriment” is not appropriate here. The term can mean opposition, contrariety, or something like that. Holden consistently translated “opposition” or “opposite” in the compendium but then the same term consistently as “detriment” in this passage. This differing translation convention obscures the use of the same term in the two passages.

It also obscures the use of a term that doesn’t necessarily imply debility. For instance, a term like “kakunontai” (turned bad; corrupted) is more readily associated with adversity or affliction, but it is not the term used here. Instead, we find the odd classification of some signs as the “opposite” or “contrariety” of planets that rule the domiciles opposite to them.

Interpretation of Dignity

Let’s change gears for a second to look at how Rhetorius seems to interpret sign-based dignity.

One significant difference between Rhetorius and Porphyry is that Rhetorius has two sections on fortified planets. First, a section on “Fortified Stars” (Ch. 42R) equates being in domicile, exaltation, term, or proper face with being stronger or fortified. This interpretation and the inclusion of proper face speak to the influence of Ptolemy, and possibly also Antiochus.

Next, his section on “Chariots” (Ch. 43R) has the same situation increasing the good of benefics and changing malefics into a good influence. This interpretation is consistent with Dorotheus.

In other words, Rhetorius tries to have it both ways, a strength and a beneficence interpretation. This is a melding of Ptolemaic and Dorothean views, actually stated one chapter after another. As I noted earlier, the combination of strength and beneficence (i.e. simply better) largely came to prevail in the later tradition. Such an interpretation is a consequence of synthesizing the competing views rather than selecting among them.

Did Rhetorius Use Detriment?

For the time being, let’s assume that Rhetorius did author the passages on the signs. This is not an uncontroversial assumption. We still then just see some development toward detriment. It is not clearly laid out or defined but comes together by adding up disparate statements between two texts and reading between the lines.

Reading Between the Lines

First, Rhetorius identified a parallel between exaltation and domicile logic based on planetary natures. Secondly, Rhetorius emphasized that signs opposite each other have rulers with opposing qualities. Third, Rhetorius emphasized that ill effects from planetary configurations come about due to contrary natures. Basically, we have an analogy with fall and some reworked and expanded Ptolemaic logic.

In the separate work on signs attributed to Rhetorius, the signs opposite a planet’s domicile are noted as the “opposite” or “contrariety” of a planet. Here, oppositeness or contrariety becomes a sign classification. Only when we take this together with the comments about the ill effects produced by contrary natures (the Venus-Mars and Venus-Saturn passage) can one infer something like detriment.

That is, one must assume that the signs classified as the “opposites” of certain planets are places where those planets have a debility due to the contrary nature of the ruler of the sign. That assertion is never explicitly made, even in the Teucer material.

The Foundation of Detriment

Clearly, at some point, a Perso-Arabic astrologer put these pieces together such that a detriment-like concept truly became defined. However, as we’ll see, such a concept is not simply inevitable from the study of Rhetorius. Theophilus of Edessa (early 8th century) drew heavily upon Rhetorius yet didn’t have a detriment-like planetary debility. I attempt to trace detriment’s entrance and development in the Perso-Arabic tradition in Section 3 below.

Misleading Impressions

Unfortunately, between Schmidt’s early “Antiochus’ reconstruction, Holden’s Rhetorius translation, and commentary by modern astrologers on Rhetorius, we have been left with false impressions. We are told that a detriment-like concept was already well-formed in Rhetorius’s Compendium. It is supposed to be clear in Chapter 8, on the oppositions of the signs. Instead, we find only a somewhat convoluted theory of oppositeness or contrariety as a rationale for domicile arrangement, drawing heavily upon Ptolemy.

Loose Ends: Serapio and Liber Hermetis

In Schmidt’s Definitions and Foundations, detriment was ultimately reconstructed based on a passage attributed to Serapio of Alexandria. Serapio of Alexandria was an early Hellenistic astrologer, sometimes placed in the 1st century.

Unfortunately, the particular text with the “detriment” passage is one that is known to be a late compilation. It contains material from many authors. It is attributed to Serapio but is known to contain later added material (much like the “Teucer” signs material discussed above). The passage is nearly identical to the solar return passage in Hephaistio, so it appears to be merely an echo of that passage. Another near identical passage appears in another late compilation, the Liber Hermetis, again apparently drawing from Hephaistio.

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Stars Contrary to their Houses Do Bad

The passage at issue can be found in CCAG 8, Part 4, at the very top of page 231 (first line; click here for link). A transliteration is “Hoti hoi asteres enantioumenoi tois idiois oikois kakunontai.”. The verb here, “kakuno” (base “kakun-“), means “to damage” or “to corrupt” (including corrupt in a moral sense). The suffix on the verb, “ontai”, is the passive voice third-person plural ending. Therefore, “are corrupted” can be a fairly clear literal translation.

The translation by Eduardo Gramaglia (2013, p. 9, click here to read) is “The stars opposing their own places do bad.” The translation is accurate enough. It incorporates the concept of contrariety/opposition as a form of planetary corruption.

Hephaistio’s Solar Return Advice Becomes a Planetary Condition

The passage is exactly word-for-word in Ancient Greek identical to Hephaistio’s solar return passage (see Pingree’s edition of Hephaistio, 1973, p. 198, lines 17-18). A similar Latin passage also appears in the Liber Hermetis, a late compendium of Hellenistic astrology. However, I noted that the solar return passage was ambiguous in Hephaistio, as it appears to paraphrase Dorotheus’s advice on return transits. Dorotheus’s advice has come down to us as planets in the return opposing their natal positions indicate misfortune.

The Hephaistio passage is in the context of solar returns. Rhetorius requires you to put together his statements on contrariety in the compendium with the other material on signs attributed to him in another work. By contrast, these short pithy statement are clear. They state simply that a planet opposing its own house is corrupted or bad – clear planetary debility. Therefore, you’ll likely see these passages emphasized as evidence that detriment was a Hellenistic principle. Furthermore, Serapio’s early date makes him a particularly appealing poster child, as we saw with Schmidt’s use in Definitions and Foundations.

Late Compilations with Textual Issues

The problem with both sources is that they are late compilations known to contain numerous later additions. In fact, as I noted this is may also be an issue with the Teucer/Rhetorius material on the signs.

Brennan (2017), unlike Schmidt, did not draw on Serapio for his reconstruction. This is because, as he noted (p. 250, footnotes 95 & 97), David Pingree had already warned that this particular text attributed to Serapio was a late compilation with many evident interpolations. Brennan actually admitted that the passage in the Serapio text most likely derived from Hephaistio (2017, p. 250, fn 97) due to the identical wording.

Liber Hermetis

Problematically, Brennan still draws on the nearly identical passage in the Liber Hermetis. That passage is even more obviously a late compilation. It also appears to draw straight from the same line in Hephaistio. The Liber Hermetis is believed to have been compiled in the 6th or 7th century based on style and content, though possibly later. It survives only in a 15th-century Latin manuscript.

The occurrence of an out of context line from Hephaistio in these late compilations is insufficient evidence that a detriment-like concept was ever part of the Hellenistic system.

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The Road to Detriment

In these works (Serapio and Liber Hermetis) we see advice about a solar return indication transformed into an interpretive principle. The Hephaistio advice taken out of its solar return context becomes a dictum about planetary condition.

Therefore, we can see two major “sources” for the later full development of “detriment”: 1. Hephaistio’s 5th century solar return advice, which may have itself been a fuzzy interpretation of Dorotheus, became transformed in later compilations into an interpretive edict; 2. Rhetorius’s 6th or 7th century Ptolemaic style elaboration of rulership logic based on contrary qualities was transformed into a planetary condition of debility. Detriment was not fully formed or clearly defined in either late Hellenistic source but as through a game of telephone it would eventually coalesce into that concept over the next few centuries.

Section 3: The Development of Detriment in Perso-Arabic Astrology

We’ve seen that around the time of the 5th-7th century a loose concept of problematic contrariety may have taken shape in some texts. It was heavily influenced by a Ptolemaic approach to planetary combination and rationalizing arrangements. At some point in later compilations, this concept was increasingly expressed as a detriment-like principle of interpretation.

We know that by the mid 9th century, detriment was firmly established as a principle of planetary interpretation on par with depression (fall). For instance, it is found in the very thorough introductory works of Perso-Arabic astrologers Abu Ma’shar (mid-9th century) and al-Qabisi (10th century).

We saw that it didn’t seem so firmly established at the end of the Hellenistic period. One must take Hephaistio’s comments out of context or infer a new planetary condition based on disparate passages of Rhetorius. Additionally, the concept is absent from the earlier astrologers. Did the Perso-Arabic tradition simply inherit detriment or did they develop it further?

An Absence Seldom Noticed

I have noted how those studying Hellenistic astrology seldom notice what’s not there. The awareness of the lack of anything akin to detriment in nearly all of the texts is seldom commented upon. There is also very little awareness that there were initially slightly varying interpretations of sign-based rejoicing, which fused later in the tradition.

We find ourselves in a similar situation with Perso-Arabic astrology. Detriment is actually lacking in most of the early texts. It was not an integral part of the common system and does not appear to have been an important part of early practice. It is because of an emphasis on certain astrologers of the 9th and 10th centuries that we get the impression that “detriment” was an important part of Perso-Arabic astrology.

Certain astrologers of that period, such as Sahl, Abu Ma’shar, and al-Qabisi, were particularly strong influences upon the later European tradition. Therefore, much of what we think of today as “medieval” astrology tends to reflect their principles and approaches.

A Smaller Role than Supposed

Benjamin Dykes, in his introduction to his compilation “Works of Sahl and Masha’allah” (2008), noted that “detriment” is seldom an integral concept in medieval texts.

“It might come as a surprise to learn that most medieval texts (including those in this volume) do not refer to the seventh sign as the sign of “detriment.” It seems to be a later development. The medieval texts are very much concerned with the descension or fall (the opposite of exaltation), but they do not give a formal name to the opposite of one’s domicile, and rarely mention it.” (Dykes, 2008, p. xxix-xxx)

Dykes goes on to himself “reconstruct what the real meaning of the sign of detriment is, assuming that we should give it greater prominence than the medieval astrologers generally do” (Dykes, 2008, p. xxx). But then again, why should we give it greater prominence than the medieval astrologers generally do? Well, Dykes very frequently references Schmidt’s Antiochus reconstruction and the Serapio text in his works in reference to detriment. If it is a concept in Hellenistic astrology, then one wonders how it is similar or different in Perso-Arabic astrology.

Schmidt’s authority here leads one to believe that detriment was integral to the Hellenistic system. Perhaps it was less emphasized or a bit different in the medieval one. In fact, the rather light references to the condition in the medieval texts represent its development out of mere intimations in Hellenistic astrology. It is absent from most medieval texts, particularly most written before the 9th century, but we can still trace its development and slow ascendancy.

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Theophilus of Edessa

Theophilus is of interest as he is a bridge between the two traditions. He wrote in Greek and drew heavily from Dorotheus and Rhetorius. He was a Christian that served as astrologer for the Abbasid Muslim Caliph al-Mahdi in the 8th century. Theophilus wrote a number of astrological works, with a focus on elections and mundane astrology. These were translated into English and collected in one volume by Ben Dykes (2017).

Interestingly, Theophilus does not appear to have had a concept of detriment, despite drawing on Rhetorius. He interprets dignity like Dorotheus, often suggesting that domicile and exaltation can make significations more benefic. By contrast, fall and alien places (peregrine) make a planet more malefic. He also suggests that exaltation pertains to eminence and fall to a base stature (see On Various Inceptions, Ch. I.29). However, he doesn’t mention a detriment-like condition in such passages.

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Delineation

At certain points, Theophilus delineates the indications of planets in signs, particularly in a mundane astrological context. The delineations are inconsistent with what we’d expect if detriment were corrupting.

I have quoted a couple stray remarks on the transits of planets through signs. The indications are not a matter of dignity or disability but involve more complex and sometimes opaque symbolism. For instance, Jupiter in Gemini brings largely positive indications for the world (triplicity but also opposite its domicile Sagittarius) while Jupiter in Libra (also triplicity) has many negative indications.

“Jupiter transiting the sign of Gemini is significant of healthiness and strength.” (Theophilus, Ch. 10, #17, Dykes, 2017, p. 170)

Compare:

“Jupiter transiting the sign of Libra instills false hopes and disturbances within the souls of men.” (Theophilus, Ch. 10, #49, Dykes, 2017, p 171)

RC Opposition Indications

There are a few times that the opposition of a ruler to a lot, planet, or place it rules is noted in relation to some indication by Theophilus. These indications are of a different sort altogether from something like “detriment”. Mention of such ruler’s configurations (RC) are seldom in Hellenistic astrology but there are a few mentions between Dorotheus, Valens, and Rhetorius. A couple of such statements, originally from Dorotheus and Rhetorius, are noted by Theophilus. They do not pertain to a planetary debility at all but to the meaning of opposition being involved in the indication.

The aspect of opposition, unlike detriment, was an integral part of the Hellenistic system and practice. Opposition confers meanings pertaining to separation, distinction, obstacle, hindrance, or polarity. The few opposition by the ruler configuration indications bring in such meanings consistent with the concepts of ruler and opposition. However, they say nothing about planetary condition being affected by the nature of the sign or its ruler. Therefore, they pertain to opposition, not to a planetary debility.

Note on Exile

See the part of Section 4 on the Brennan reconstruction for further analysis of such configurations. Brennan uses a couple of such configurations to propose a detriment-like concept of “exile” as part of the Hellenistic system. I note that other uses of such configurations in the literature show that exile fails to capture the range of meanings expressed. On the other hand, aspectual opposition does capture the range of meanings. Even more importantly “exile” proposes a new planetary debility, while “opposition” is the use of a well-established Hellenistic configuration.

Conclusions on Theophilus

I’ve spent more time on Theophilus than I will on the other Perso-Arabic astrologers. This is for two reasons. First, the concept of “detriment” was supposedly already developed in the Hellenistic period, yet Theophilus doesn’t use it. Therefore, even after the end of the Hellenistic period, major astrologers could still not have any knowledge of a detriment-like concept.

Second, and relatedly, Theophilus drew heavily on Rhetorius. Rhetorius has been suggested to have given a clear definition of a detriment-like concept (contrariety). However, Theophilus apparently didn’t pick up the concept from his study of Rhetorius. This strongly supports my claim that detriment was not clearly defined by Rhetorius.

‘Umar al-Tabari and Abu Bakr

‘Umar al-Tabari was an influential Perso-Arabic astrologer of the late 8th century. Abu Bakr was another influential Perso-Arabic astrologer, but a bit later, probably working in the mid-9th century. I do not have access to all of their works. However, the natal materials (compiled in Persian Nativities II by Dykes) which I have read don’t show any clear evidence for the use of detriment-like debility.

The natal work by Abu Bakr (On Nativities) is notable as a particularly voluminous text. “Three Books of Nativities” by ‘Umar is briefer but probably even more influential. These are thorough, influential works on natal astrology, with no concern for detriment.

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Sign-Based Conditions

These astrologers did discuss sign-based dignity in their delineations, including domicile, exaltation, triplicity, bound, and fall, but not detriment. In fact, peregrination (not having any dignity in a place) is by far the most oft-cited sign-based debility in their works (just as in Hellenistic astrology).

Their works span the early-to-middle period of the practice of Perso-Arabic astrology (8th to mid-9th century). Clearly, detriment was not a well-established or important part of the “system” even many centuries into the practice of Perso-Arabic astrology.

Integral to the Perso-Arabic System?

Earlier I distinguished the Hellenistic system in a narrow sense from Hellenistic practice in a broad one. We should do the same for Perso-Arabic astrology. However, here the “foundational texts” are not the lost texts of the 1st or 2nd century BCE. Here the foundational texts are primarily the surviving Hellenistic works, together with some Persian and Indian ones.

The absence of “detriment” in Theophilus and many works reaching even up to the 9th century raises an important question. Can “detriment” even be considered an integral part of the Perso-Arabic astrological system? After all, this planetary condition was not a vital common element drawn on by early Perso-Arabic astrologers. It only became so with time due to the influence of a few, particularly influential astrologers.

Al-Andarzaghar

Al-Andarzaghar is a much more mysterious figure in Perso-Arabic astrology. His dating is uncertain. He is sometimes placed as early as the 7th century. He is certainly prior to Sahl (flourished early 9th century) who drew heavily upon him. He is also definitely after Rhetorius (6th or 7th century). Perhaps he dates to the 8th century, but it is unclear.

A very influential book on nativities called The Book of Aristotle was believed by Pingree, and for a time by Ben Dykes, to be a work by Masha’allah. Dykes has in more recent years presented compelling evidence that it was actually a work by al-Andarzaghar. It will be treated as a work by al-Andarzaghar here. However, note that it was published by Dykes as a work by Masha’allah (in Persian Nativities I), so excuse the confusing references.

The Book of Aristotle

While translating Sahl’s enormous work on nativities, Ben Dykes came to the realization that the Book of Aristotle was authored by al-Andarzaghar. This is because Sahl’s work includes nearly everything in the Book of Aristotle on natal topics and it all is attributed to al-Andarzaghar.

“But as I looked more at Sahl’s On Nativities, I realized two things: first, the so-called Book of Aristotle was not by Masha’allah at all, but by the earlier Persian astrologer al-Andarzaghar […]” (Dykes, 2019, from Introduction to Bishr, p. 2)

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The Father of Detriment?

If Rhetorius was the godfather of detriment, then al-Andarzaghar may be its birth father. Additionally, this might not have been a planned pregnancy.

You see, al-Andarzaghar made some very strong remarks about the debility associated with a planet in the sign opposite its domicile. However, he called the condition a planet in its “fall” and presented it instead of, rather than together with, the usual concept of fall. His secondary term for the condition “wabal” means unhealthiness, harm, or bad results. It became the standard term for the condition in the tradition, and with a meaning quite consistent with the later term “detriment”.

Rhetorius Between the Lines

The “wabal” condition is cited as a planetary corruption by Sahl, following al-Andarzaghar. It also picked up by later Perso-Arabic astrologers and ends up being a formal concept defined in late Perso-Arabic introductory texts.

The notion appears to be from a between-the-lines reading of Rhetorius. Al-Andarzaghar did draw on Rhetorius in some other places in the text. The harm or unhealthiness associated with the contrariety appears to derive from his interpretation of Rhetorius.

Mysterious Origins

I highly recommend that one reads Dykes introductions to Sahl and Theophilus. He discusses the transmission of Rhetorius in some depth. Rhetorius’s work is evidenced by Theophilus, al-Andarzaghar, and at least one other Persian (Buzurjmihr). Interestingly, Rhetorius’s name is never mentioned by these astrologers. The Rhetorius material simply found its way into the Persian tradition. Dykes argues that it was transmitted to the Perso-Arabic tradition primarily through al-Andarzaghar.

Al-Andarzaghar is the one source that uses “detriment”. This is a significant set of facts. It means that detriment was developed from Rhetorius’s contrariety perhaps only once, through al-Andarzaghar. It arrives amidst general principles of Hellenistic astrology as filtered through the Persians. The fact that it is based on comments by just one very late Hellenistic astrologer was lost to the Persians. Therefore, it simply comes into the medieval tradition as a doctrine with mysterious origins that was heavily stressed by al-Andarzaghar, a highly respected early Persian astrologer.

The New Fall?

Al-Andarzaghar opened Book II of The Book of Aristotle by noting 7 ways in which planets can be corrupted. Interestingly, the only one of these that is a sign-based debility is a detriment-like concept, but one called “falling”. By contrast, the actual condition of “fall” is not mentioned.

“Fifthly, whether they would be falling, staying in the opposite of their own domicile-namely the wabāl.” (Masha’allah, Book II, Ch. 1, Dykes, 2009, p. 18)

Clarifying the “Falls” of the Planets

Well, maybe he just said opposite of their domicile by mistake, and actually meant exaltation, right? Wrong. Later in that book, he says more about each form of planetary corruption. He makes it very clear that each planet’s fall is opposite its domicile.

“On the other hand, wabāl or falling is said to be whenever any star is regarding its own domicile from the opposite: like if the Sun would be staying in Aquarius, the Moon would be traversing in Capricorn; moreover Venus has [her] fall in Scorpio and Aries, Mercury in Sagittarius and Pisces, Saturn in Cancer and Leo, Jupiter in Gemini and Virgo, Mars in Libra and Taurus. Which if it would happen thus, they are said to have undergone misfortune.” (Masha’allah, Book II, Ch. 8, Dykes, 2009, p. 24-25)

The 7 Corruptions

For the curious, I provide the 7 planetary corruptions named by al-Andarzaghar, with a short title descriptor for each.

  1. Under the Beams: attend to the appearances, disappearances, and the stations (under the beams is the stressed condition here).
  2. Nodes: traversing with the Lunar Nodes (though later he describes the syzygies)
  3. Enclosure: enclosure by malefics
  4. House: placement in the 6th or 12th house
  5. Detriment: placement opposite the domicile
  6. Aspect: degree-based applying conjunction, square, or opposition with malefic
  7. Retrograde
Regular Fall

For the most part, it is difficult to discern whether al-Andarzaghar was aware of and used the more traditional version of fall. He refers to fall often in the text but without redefining it, so we must assume that references are actually to this “new fall”. There is only one except, which is a comment in Book III, Ch. 3.4, where he notes that the Moon in Scorpio, especially its 3rd degree, bodes badly for the fetus because it is the Moon’s fall. This is the only passage I was able to find in The Book of Aristotle that clearly refers to the more traditional concept of fall.

A Detriment More Important Than Fall

There is a relative absence of traditional “fall” from the text of al-Andarzaghar, coupled with stress on corruption associated with detriment. Therefore, in this text detriment not only often takes the place of fall but it is also highlighted as an important debility instead of fall.

Consider how in the later tradition “detriment” came to be considered an even greater debility than “fall”, assigned -5 compared to fall’s -4 in weighted pointing systems. That sort of greater stress is present in al-Andarzaghar, in addition to the clear sense of “detriment” associated with the placement.

Conclusions on Al-Andarzaghar

We see a pretty robust concept of planetary debility associated with detriment in al-Andarzaghar’s The Book of Aristotle. Given the fact that the work is early and was very influential upon Sahl and Abu Ma’shar, this appears to be a critical point in the development of detriment.

We see clear evidence for the influence of Rhetorius in the development. However, the concept is not inevitable from a reading of Rhetorius (see Theophilus). Additionally, the fact that it was inspired by novel statements from someone often considered “the last classical astrologer” is lost to the Persians. Even more significantly, we see some confusion between the concepts of fall and detriment.

Clumsy Origins

If al-Andarzaghar was the first astrologer to formally define the debility of detriment, then his manner of introducing it should certainly raise some eyebrows. In Hellenistic astrology and most early Perso-Arabic astrology fall is defined, but there is no detriment. In al-Andarzaghar we see detriment defined and stressed, as fall, and instead of the real fall.

Was this a logical conclusion in astrology’s development, a valuable innovation by an experienced astrologer, or a big misunderstanding, fostered by Rhetorius’s far-fetched musings on contrariety? You decide.

Masha’allah ibn Athari and Abu ‘Ali al-Khayyat

I put these two influential astrologers together here due to their similar lack of stress on detriment. They both thrived in the late 8th to early 9th centuries.

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For the most part, I do not see references to detriment in the works of theirs that I have read. However, there is one reference in Abu ‘Ali’s “On the Judgement of Nativities” and a couple scattered across various works of Masha’allah, to the sign of detriment. These references are always of the sort “if in its sign of fall or detriment (or opposite of domicile)”. Therefore, I’m inclined to believe they are “additions” to the texts by later scribes. However, it could simply be that these astrologers were familiar with it but had only minor occasions to refer to it.

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Not Significant

What we do come away with in reading these authors is that they certainly don’t mention detriment where they could. It is not a significant part of their system of analysis, if it is in fact part of it at all. Dykes in some footnotes to his introduction to Works of Sahl and Masha’allah (2008, p. xxx) even noted that Masha’allah has many explicit opportunities to mention detriment where he does not. These include delineations of planets in signs where there doesn’t appear to be any adversity associated with the sign of detriment.

Note that there are some indications that both men, Masha’allah and Abu ‘Ali drew on a common source for some topics. Additionally, there is some indication that al-Andarzaghar was a source (see Dykes introduction to Bishr, 2019, p. 30). Therefore, they may have both had some familiarity with al-Andarzaghar’s work but were not nearly so strongly influenced as Sahl by his approach.

Sahl bin Bishr, Abu Ma’shar, and Late Perso-Arabic Astrology

Both Sahl and Abu Ma’shar are astrologers who flourished in the 9th century. They are both also significant as astrologers profoundly influenced by al-Andarzaghar. Additionally, both men were profoundly influential upon the later tradition. In the context of detriment, both men are significant as key vectors for the transmission of the doctrine as a principle of practice.

Sahl’s Astrology

Sahl flourished in the early 9th century CE. His debt to al-Andarzaghar is great. His mammoth tome “On Nativities” is about 500 pages in its English translation (Sahl, Dykes, 2019). It includes nearly all of the natal material from The Book of Aristotle. Of course, the work is not just material from al-Andarzaghar, but rather is a thorough compendium preserving opinions of about a dozen astrologers.

The sources are primarily earlier Persian astrologers. Sahl’s work is primarily from compiling secondary sources (Persian works pertaining to Hellenistic astrology). He does not appear to have been drawing directly on primary Hellenistic sources (i.e. any Hellenistic works written prior to Rhetorius). His work preserves key texts and doctrines from disparate Persian astrologers very well.

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The Book of Aristotle

As noted, Sahl preserves almost the entirety of the natal material from The Book of Aristotle. Dykes says as much in his Introduction to Sahl’s works (Bishr, 2019, p.1):

“[…] after some research I realized that Sahl’s On Nativities contains almost the entire natal portion of a book which came to be known in Latin as the Book of Aristotle (BA) which I had translated and published as Persian Nativities I.”

Detriment as a Principle

In his work on principles, “The Introduction”, Sahl clearly includes a detriment-like debility as an interpretive principle. In a manner similar to how al-Andarzaghar noted the 7 corruptions of the planets, Sahl provides the 10 weaknesses of the planets. Note that 2 of the additions include the real traditional type of “fall” as well as being alien or peregrine. Those are the more traditional sign-based debilities which were lacking in al-Andarzaghar’s list.

“The tenth is if they were inverted, and that is when they are in the contrary of their house: that is, when they are in the seventh from their own house, and that is called ‘unhealthiness.'” (Bishr, The Introduction, #100, Dykes trans., 2019, p. 68)

The 10 Weaknesses

I noted the 7 corruptions of al-Andarzaghar. I provide the 10 weaknesses of Sahl here for comparison. I’ve highlighted those that are not found in al-Andarzaghar.

  1. House: placement in the 6th or 12th house
  2. Retrograde
  3. Under the Beams
  4. Aspect: connecting by assembly, opposition, or square with a malefic
  5. Enclosure: separating from one malefic and applying to another
  6. Fall: in sign opposite exaltation
  7. Connection to Retreating?: applying to a planet that is retreating from Ascendant while separating from a planet receiving it
  8. Peregrine: a planet with no testimony in its house and western under the beams (perhaps must be both of these conditions together)
  9. Nodes: with one of the lunar nodes and without latitude
  10. Detriment: in the seventh from their own house

Note that to al-Andarzaghar’s list, Sahl only adds fall, peregrine (or a special case of it), and that very odd application-retreat condition (#7). Apart from #7 and #10, these are conditions that were also noted in Hellenistic astrology. As #10 appears to be from al-Andarzaghar’s influence, #7 is probably also from a more obscure principle given by some Persian astrologer.

At the End of the List

It is interesting that Sahl puts detriment last in his list of debilities. It is again noted right at the end. It appears in his “The Fifty Aphorisms” as a comment at the tail end of the fiftieth aphorism. There he advises that when the lord of the Ascendant or the Moon are in the 7th from their domicile the querent will have some reluctance in the matter. This is a direct appeal to “contrariety”.

I am intrigued by Sahl’s placement of detriment last on his list of debilities, and the almost paraphrastic mention of it in the fiftieth aphorism. I’m inclined to believe that Sahl was aware of the lack of the concept in most of his sources. He includes this principle of al-Andarzaghar’s but at the end of a list which first emphasizes the more commonly noted debilities (fall and peregrination).

Other Notable Instances

Sahl notes “detriment” in many different works. One of the more notable places is in “On Choices” were he adds detriment to the 8th (of 10) corruptions of the Moon in elections. In Dorotheus, the corruption is the Moon in the twelfth-part of Mars or Saturn, while in Sahl it is the twelfth-part of a malefic, or being in the opposite sign from its domicile, or aversion to domicile. Therefore, one corruption of the Moon can now come about in three different ways. Detriment thereby became an important corruption of the Moon in electional astrology.

The other important thing to note is about instances in On Nativities where detriment is mentioned. Many of these are in passages that can be traced to al-Andarzaghar. Sometimes Sahl actually attributes the material to al-Andarzaghar. At other times detriment is mentioned within material that can be traced to the Book of Aristotle. Al-Andarzaghar was not only a major influence on Sahl, but so was his concept of detriment.

Abu Ma’shar’s Astrology

Abu Ma’shar flourished in the mid-9th century CE. He is said to have started learning astrology in middle age after an encounter with al-Kindi. He wrote a voluminous work on predictive natal techniques published in English translation as “On the Revolutions of the Years of Nativities” by Ben Dykes in 2019. He also wrote works on principles and mundane astrology which strongly influenced the later tradition.

In Dykes introduction to Ma’shar (2019), as well as in his introduction to Bishr (2019), he notes that The Book of Aristotle was a major influence on Ma’shar’s predictive methods. Therefore, Ma’shar was one of the astrologers strongly influenced by al-Andarzaghar’s methods. Detriment is a defined concept in Ma’shar’s introductory works. It also plays a role in his mundane astrology.

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Predictive Natal Astrology

Detriment does not play a significant role in Ma’shar’s work on predictive natal astrology. What is significant is that the predictive work shows the strong influence of al-Andarzaghar’s predictive methods. Sahl and Ma’shar stand as the two towering 9th century astrologers whose approaches were strongly influenced by The Book of Aristotle.

Sun in Aquarius

Dykes (in Ma’shar, 2019, p. 216, fn 61) noted that the delineation of the Sun in Aquarius can indicate illness, consistent with the “unhealthiness” association of detriment.

“If the Sun in the revolution of the year was in Aquarius and he had testimony in the year, and he is free of the infortunes, it indicates marriage and an increase in the family and [his] retinue. And if [the Sun] was made unfortunate, indicates the ruin of one of the family or their illness, as well as contention and conflict. But if he was received, it is less and easier.” (Ma’shar, Book V, Ch. 5, #12-14, Dykes trans., 2019, p. 416)

The one issue with seeing “illness” here as resulting from “detriment” is that the Sun in Capricorn can also indicate “ailments and illnesses” (#11, p. 416). However, Capricorn is not the “wabal” or detriment of the Sun. Therefore, there is strong evidence for the influence of The Book of Aristotle in Ma’shar’s predictive material, but not strong evidence for the use of detriment.

Introductions to Astrology

Ma’shar’s “Great Introduction” had a profound influence on the later tradition. Two twelfth-century Latin translations, by John of Seville and Herman of Carinthia, provided the principles of astrology for the later tradition. Ma’shar also authored an abridged version of the introduction (Abbreviation of the Introduction) which was also translated into Latin in the twelfth century, but by Adelard of Bath.

English Translations

An English translation of Abu Ma’shar’s Great Introduction was recently released in 2019 by historians of science Burnett & Yamamoto. It is available in print or eBook from the publisher Brill at a price of $349. They describe it as “the most comprehensive and influential text on astrology in the Middle Ages”.

The Abbreviation of the Introduction was translated by Ben Dykes in 2010. It is packaged together with an introductory work by al-Qabisi (10th century), and excerpts from the Great Introduction as well as from introductory works by other astrologers. This composite set of introductions was published as “Introductions to Traditional Astrology: Abu Ma’shar & al-Qabisi”.

It is very affordable (under $25). I recommend it very highly as a reference for those interested in the traditional astrology of the late Perso-Arabic period and beyond (medieval astrology).

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Detriment as a Principle

Detriment (translated as estrangement by Dykes from the Latin) is noted as a principle in the Abbreviation. It is noted in the context of the dignities while discussing exaltation and fall. It is also noted in the context of planetary corruption. Therefore, later medieval astrologers learning principles of astrology through Abu Ma’shar would simply be handed detriment as an established principle on par with fall.

Mundane Astrology

In the realm of mundane astrology, detriment also became important in Ma’shar’s astrology. Ma’shar’s “On the Great Conjunctions” highlighted the Mars-Saturn conjunction in Cancer as one of the most important mundane astrological events. The logic being that the position was the fall of Mars and detriment of Saturn. For more on this, see my article on the Six Elements for Deducing Advanced Knowledge.

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Perso-Arabic Conclusions

Tracing backward we can see that detriment became an integral part of today’s traditional astrology due to its role in the traditional astrology of the European High Middle Ages and Renaissance. The astrology of the European High Middle Ages inherited the concept from the late Perso-Arabic tradition.

Integration

Sahl and Abu Ma’shar in the 9th century had codified detriment into their influential systematic lists of principles. This elevated its importance in the practice of all forms of astrology.

Definition

They had been themselves strongly influenced by the work of al-Andarzaghar, an early Perso-Arabic astrologer. Al-Andarzaghar was probably the first Persian astrologer to formalize the concept of detriment and define it. Detriment is absent from most early Perso-Arabic works. Prior to Sahl it gets only minor mentions outside of al-Andarzaghar and probably by al-Andazaghar’s influence.

Inspiration

Unlike the other early Persian astrologers, Al-Andarzaghar emphasized the concept and defined it. He used it with the name of “fall” and instead of traditional fall. He had apparently been inspired by Rhetorius’s comments on contrariety. Rehtorius’s comments were in turn inspired by Ptolemy’s Aristotelian rationalizations of rulership arrangements and planetary combination.

Development by a Game of Telephone

In conclusion, the evidence indicates the manner of detriment’s development. It is known as the game of telphone. There was an accumulation of alterations by paraphrase, elaboration, misunderstanding, mistranslation, and change in emphasis. Through these accumulated changes an entirely new planetary debility and sign classification emerged.

Section 4: A Critical Look at Detriment’s Reconstructions

A number of traditional astrologers today have attempted to “reconstruct” detriment as the concept may have existed in Hellenistic and early medieval astrology. I have already noted my suspicions with “reconstructions” and their methodology. It is rather strange to “reconstruct” things as integral to Hellenistic astrology which astrologers of the period themselves would not have been able to recognize.

The assertion that all Hellenistic astrologers shared certain implicit principles in common which they didn’t articulate in their texts is also suspicious. These are astrologers accessing texts often hundreds of years after they were written in varied cultural and political contexts. If it wasn’t clear in their source texts then they wouldn’t have received it.

Two Hellenistic reconstructions of detriment have been particularly problematic. They continue to be cited often by traditional astrologers in defense of the view that detriment was an integral principle of Hellenistic astrology. Both place detriment early in the tradition on the basis of specious evidence, though from different forms of evidence. Therefore, I’m going to address those reconstructions, but first I want to make a note about a medieval reconstruction.

Medieval Astrology

In his introduction to Works of Sahl and Masha’allah, Ben Dykes attempted his own reconstruction of the concept for Persian astrology. However, that reconstruction was rather early in his translation efforts. His later translations of the Book of Aristotle and introductory works by Abu Ma’shar and al-Qabisi turned up actual definitions from Perso-Arabic astrologers.

Actual medieval definitions and descriptions are far superior to a speculative reconstruction. Therefore, I don’t feel it’s worth spending much time critically examining this reconstruction. Spend some time studying al-Andarzaghar’s characterization (discussed earlier) and you’ll have a good sense for the early concept.

Marginality in Early Medieval Astrology

In his comments on reconstruction, Dykes provided something more noteworthy than a reconstruction. He provided a sense of the marginal nature of the concept in that tradition.

Unlike most traditional astrologers studying early traditional texts, he did notice what wasn’t there. He advised that reconstructing detriment as a basic principle of early medieval astrology implies giving it more importance than the early medieval astrologers themselves appear to have. The concept was clearly not an integral one in early Perso-Arabic astrological practice so we need to be careful about projecting it into their system of interpretation as such.

Hellenistic Astrology

There is no evidence for a detriment-like concept prior to the 5th century CE. That is 500 years into a tradition that started in the 1st or 2nd century BCE. When intimations of detriment do arise they are in late works relying upon secondary sources rather than the early foundational texts. So, how is it that detriment still continues to be reconstructed as an integral principle of Hellenistic astrology? If its absence was good enough for the Hellenistic astrologers, why isn’t it good enough for those describing that astrology today?

Two particular “reconstructions” by influential authorities on Hellenistic astrology have led to a lot of confusion about the concept. Let’s turn to each of those now.

Schmidt’s Reconstruction

Robert Schmidt placed detriment early in the Hellenistic tradition through two notable reconstructions. First, he “reconstructed” Antiochus in 1993 in such a way that comments made by Rhetorius at the end of the tradition were presented as being made by Antiochus in the 1st or 2nd century.

Secondly, he presented the Serapio compilation text’s remark on detriment which is a comment from Hephaistio in the 5th century (taken out of context) as if it was made by Serapio in the 1st century. Therefore, let’s take a closer look at each one

Rhetorius as Antiochus

As I noted in my introduction, a good portion of Rhetorius’s Compendium was initially taken by Schmidt and Hand to be representative of Antiochus. In 1993, Project Hindsight published a reconstruction of The Thesaurus by Antiochus of Athens. The title was a misnomer as the work was from Rhetorius, not Antiochus, and included a lot of material that cannot be traced to Antiochus.

“Rhetorius (c. 500 C.E.) copied the most extensive sections of Antiochus and most of the material translated in this volume comes from Rhetorius.” (Hand, introduction to The Thesaurus, 1993, p. viii)

In this way, statements by Rhetorius, including his musings on “contrariety” came to be attributed to Antiochus. Whenever you see someone reference this work to attribute something to Antiochus of Athens, note that it should be taken as Rhetorius.

Hephaistio as Serapio

Schmidt later released “Definitions and Foundations” which was intended to delineate the principles of Hellenistic astrology. Detriment appeared in the work through the inclusion of the out-of-context quote of Hephaistio found in the Serapio text. As I’ve discussed above, the list of definitions attributed to Serapio of Alexandria is from a late Byzantine compilation. Material from other authors is evident in the compilation.

The particular “detriment” definition shows clear evidence of being from Hephaistio. It is exactly the same sentence appearing in the Hephaistio manuscripts. Thereby, an out of context quote from 5th-century astrologer Hephaistio gets associated with an early Hellenistic astrologer, Serapio.

As with Rhetorius this is a matter in which a text has some material drawing on an early astrologer, compiled with a lot of later material as well. The attribution of the “detriment” passage to Serapio is thus a misleading one.

Brennan’s Reconstruction

Chris Brennan himself discounted the Serapio attribution, tracing the comment to Hephaistio.  However, he still “reconstructs” the concept as an important “implicit” concept albeit one not defined until Rhetorius.

He proposed three possible names for it. “Adversities” draws on the Latin “adversitas” noted in the Liber Hermetis (which in turn derives from Hephaistio). “Antithesis” is a fancy word for “opposite” and draws on Rhetorius’s remarks about “opposed” or “contrary” qualities. He has proposed it more recently.

“Exile” is another term he has proposed. It is more problematic concept deriving not from any source typically linked with detriment. It comes from some comments by Valens (and Rhetorius) on a couple specific configurations where a ruler is opposing what it rules (i.e. RC statements).

Hephaistio, Rhetorius, and Late Compilations

I have already thoroughly discussed the late intimations of detriment in Hephaistio and Rhetorius. I’ve also discussed how Brennan traces the Serapio passage back to Hephaistio, as both passages use the exact same phrase. Brennan also used the Liber Hermetis as textual support for his reconstruction. What he doesn’t note is that it too appears to trace back to Hephaistio and is in another late compilation. It is written in Latin so it cannot use the exact same wording, but the phrasing is parallel and the work is another late compilation.

Most support for the reconstruction comes from Hephaistio, Rhetorius, and works derived from them. Exceptionally, he uses passages in Valens as support for an implicit detriment-like principle. As Valens is a major early Hellenistic astrologer of the 2nd century who was drawing on foundational texts, I will focus on Brennan’s reconstruction of detriment (“exile” in this case) as an implicit principle in Valens’s astrology.

Late Intimations Fall Short of Important Principles

It is uncontroversial that intimations of detriment appear in Hephaistio and Rhetorius at the tail end of the Hellenistic tradition. These “intimations” are statements that get pretty close to detriment. One can even take them out of context or read between the lines to claim they nearly imply the same thing as what became detriment. However, as noted, there are some issues with considering them full-blown detriment. Detriment only really fully developed within the Perso-Arabic period.

More problematic are “reconstructions” which place detriment as an important interpretive principle of 1st and 2nd century astrologers. We saw this with Schmidt’s backward projection of Rhetorius onto Antiochus and Hephaistio onto Serapio. By substituting mysterious early figures of Hellenistic astrology for figures at the tail end of the tradition, the concept gained legitimacy as a principle of Hellenistic astrology.

Exile on Main Street

Chris Brennan sees the detriment as an early implicit one. In his book he finds evidence for the “exile” notion in a statement made by Vettius Valens. The Valens statement actually pertains to the ruler’s configuration technique, not detriment. However, such statements are Brennan’s evidence both for implicit detriment and for the “exile” meaning associated with it.

Brennan’s RC-laden 2020 Update

In an update (July 2020), Brennan presented nearly every opposition RC passage that he could find as evidence of the implicit use of detriment in Hellenistic astrology. Anubio, Dorotheus, and Valens used the ruler’s configuration (RC technique), as well as later astrologers like Rhetorius and Theophilus following Dorotheus.

As the opposition in the context of the technique can indicate separation, consistent with the meaning of the aspect, Brennan sees in such passages strong support for his “exile” concept. Additionally, since he uses an insufficient definition of detriment (any adverse indications associated with the domicile ruler’s opposition to its domicile), he also takes all such passages as evidence of detriment as an implicit principle of chart interpretation in early Hellenistic astrology requiring reconstruction. In August 2020, I presented an updated and focused rebuttal against Brennan’s arguments for reconstruction, detailing the fallacious logic involved.

Brennan on the Exile Rationale

For Brennan, statements by Valens show evidence both of general “adversity”, as well as an idea of “exile” associated with a planet opposed to its domicile.

“[…] Valens seems to say that when the ruler of the Lot of Spirit is opposite to its own place that the native will come to live in a foreign country and will experience tarachais, which means “disturbances,” “upheavals,” “confusion,” “tumults,” or “troubles. […] Here the words “adversity” or “debility” seem to be rather appropriate for one part of the delineation, although there is also another interpretive element involved […] contrasting the concept of “home” or “domicile” with whatever the opposite of that would be […].  (Brennan, 2017, p. 251)

There are multiple problems with the reasoning involved in reconstructing a detriment-like concept into such RC passages. First, let’s look at the passage in Valens, then we’ll look at the issues with the reconstruction.

Valens on the Lot of Spirit and its Lord

The Valens passage cited by Brennan is Book 2, Ch. 20. Below, I provide the passage in question, as well as a few lines before it for context.

“It is best to find the ruler of Daimon at the Lot of Fortune or at its 10th Place (=Midheaven). If so, then the nativities are illustrious and distinguished. If it is in its proper place or at another angle, the nativities will be as distinguished and vigorous as they can be under the circumstances. If it is turned away from its proper place, just precedes an angle, or has malefics in aspect, it indicates exile and distress abroad. If it is in conjunction with a benefic or has benefics in aspect, the native will live abroad for a long time, having a varied and fluctuating livelihood. If it has a malefic in aspect, the native will become needy, destitute, experiencing trials and imprisonment. Likewise if <the ruler of the Lot or of Daimon> is in opposition to this place, it indicates men who reside abroad and become distressed. Often the goods of such men are not inherited by their own families, but by strangers.” (Valens, Book 2, Ch. 20P, Riley trans., 2010, p. 35)

Note that multiple configurations are considered in relation to delineating the Lot of Spirit, not for delineating the planet that is its ruler.

Configuration Not Planetary Condition

The most obvious difference between the Valens passage and the concept of detriment pertains to the dichotomy between a planetary condition and a configuration. Detriment is a planetary condition in which a planet is said to be weakened or corrupted in the sign opposite its domicile. In the Valens passage an adverse indication arises in connection to the lot due to the lot being opposed by its ruler. An indication for the lot is provided that is associated with this specific aspectual configuration.

No mention is made of the condition of the planet (such as it becoming corrupted), the nature of the sign, or any conflict between them. Rather, the symbolism appealed to pertains to the Lot of Spirit, its ruler, and the aspect of opposition.

Affirming the Consequent

There appears to be an error in reasoning about what constitutes support for the reconstruction. It is as if Brennan is affirming the consequent as follows: If there is an implicit concept akin to detriment in early Hellenistic astrology (the antecedent), then there will be an instance in which a ruler opposed to its own domicile is associated with adverse circumstances (the consequent). That is well and good. However, the consequent, adverse circumstances shown by a ruler in opposition to its own domicile, does not entail the premise, an implicit planetary debility.

There is more than one possible reason that the opposition of a planet to its own domicile may be associated with adverse circumstances (i.e. the meaning of opposition and the RC technique). Additionally, the premise implies additional consequents that we don’t see. For instance, given the premise, delineations of planets in the sign opposite their domicile should consistently involve some adversity (or even some notion of being far from home akin to exile), which they do not.

Oppositional Symbolism

One reason an adverse indication from a ruler’s opposition does not imply “detriment” is that opposition itself can give adverse indications. Therefore, when the ruler of a lot or a planet opposes the lot or planet we cannot be sure than adverse indication is due to some implicit concept of detriment or exile.

The symbolism need not have anything to do with a planet somehow corrupted or weakened by the substance of the sign or its ruler. Nor does it necessarily have anything to do with being far from home because it is opposite it. The traditional symbolism of “opposition” already can involve adversity, enmity, separation, distinction, and rejection.

Lot and Lord Configurations

The Valens configuration actually involves nothing like “detriment” but instead pertains to aspectual configuration. In fact, the importance of the aspectual configuration between a lot of and its lord came up often in Hellenistic astrology.

First, let’s look at an example from Dorotheus in which he explicitly examines the different types of aspectual relations between the Lot of Brothers and its lord. Next, let’s look at another example from Valens but one where the meaning of the indication is consistent with “opposition” but without any overlap with the reconstructed notions of adversity or exile.

Dorotheus on a Range of Aspectual Indications

In the Dorothean passage below we see indications from different types of aspects, and even no aspect. Note how a lack of aspect indicates estrangement, not the opposition which is about enmity and separation. Refer back to the Valens passage above and note that it was being “turned away” (i.e. no aspect) that actually indicated “exile” not opposition. For Valens, the opposition brought indications pertaining more to separation (residing abroad, strangers end up with one’s inheritance) and enmity (distress).

“If you wish to know what of love and other than that there is between him [the native] and his brothers, then look from the lord of the lot of brothers. If its lord aspects it from trine, it indicates love between them, and if it aspects from quartile, it indicates a medium amount of that love. If you find it in opposition to the lot, then it is an indicator of enmity and separation. If it [the lord] does not aspect it [the lot], it indicates the estrangement of one of them from the other.” (Dorotheus, Book I, Ch. 20, Pingree trans., 2005, p. 179)

We see that for some factors the way that the lord aspected the factor provided an indication pertaining to the meaning of the factor. One key takeaway is that the relationship of the lord to the factor it ruled impacted part of the indication given by that factor, not indications for the ruler. In other words, the interpretation of the Lot of Brothers was affected by its aspectual relationship with its ruler. The converse is not implied; the ruler is neither enhanced nor debilitated due to being in a certain aspect with the lot. This is a configurational indication, not one pertaining to planetary condition.

Valens on Step-parents

Did the indications from the opposition to Spirit in Valens’s passage above necessarily arise from a sense of adversity or exile? As I noted, the indications of living abroad, distress, and strangers inheriting one’s things all can be explained by the symbolism of opposition (and that of the lot itself). Additionally, there are not always indications pertaining to adversity or any sort of exile associated with the lord of a lot opposing a lot for Valens.

The lots of step-parents involve the “distinctive” and “separate” notions related to aspectual opposition without any of the adversity or exile associated with Brennan’s reconstruction.

“Concerning a stepfather, take the point directly opposite the Lot. If the ruler of the Lot of the Father happens to be at the point in opposition or if the ruler of the point in opposition happens to be at the Lot, this indicates a stepfather. Likewise if the <ruler of> the Lot of the Mother is found in opposition and the ruler of the point in opposition to the Lot of the Mother is found at the Lot of the Mother, this will correspondingly indicate a stepmother. (Valens, Book 2, Ch. 32P, Riley trans., 2010, p. 44)

This passage is from the same book 3 of Valens’s Anthology as the one cited by Brennan in support of his reconstruction. Here a step-parent is indicated when the lord of the lot for the parent is opposed to the lot. Similarly, it can also be indicated if the lord of the sign opposite the lot is at the lot. Both types of configurations involve a planet in the sign opposite its domicile. Again, no planetary debility is mentioned, but rather the delineation of the lot pertains to a configurational relationship with its ruler.

Reconstruction Conclusions

While there are intimations of detriment at the tail end of the Hellenistic tradition. Prior to that we don’t see the inimations of detriment, and we certainly don’t see “implicit use of detriment” whatever that means.  Specious attributions have at times been used as evidence for detriment as an early principle, but mislead by projecting the end of the Hellenistic tradition onto the beginning.

The assertion that there was something akin to detriment in the early tradition which was used implicitly as an interpretive factor is unsupported. Textual evidence indicates that when context and other similar passages are examined it is clear that such passages involve the RC technique not a sign-based planetary debility like detriment. Additionally, the assertion that “exile” was implicitly symbolized by a planet opposed to its domicile is unsupported. In fact, it was the lack of aspect from its ruler that could most often associate a factor with exile.

Summary and Conclusions

Detriment’s Historical Development in Brief

Detriment was not an integral principle of the Hellenistic system of astrology. All evidence indicates that it was not a principle expounded in the foundational texts and was not used by the early major figures such as Dorotheus, Valens, Ptolemy, Antiochus/Porphyry, etc. Something resembling detriment does not crop up until Hephaistio in the 5th century and Rhetorius in the 6th or 7th. However, even then it is iffy if such instances constitute “detriment”, as Hephaistio neglected to define it as a principle and it is relatively unclear in Rhetorius’s Compendium.

Intimation

Rhetorius’s musings on contrariety, apparently inspired by Ptolemy, appear to have formed the basis for detriment’s development in the Perso-Arabic period. However, those comments did not necessarily entail detriment, as Theophilus (8th century), who drew on Rhetorius, doesn’t appear to have used the concept.

Defintion

Al-Andarzaghar, a rather mysterious early Persian astrologer, may have been the first to clearly define a detriment-like concept. He labeled it “wabal” or unhealthiness. Curiously, he also called it fall and defined it instead of rather than alongside the traditional debility of fall. Perso-Arabic astrologers after him showed little regard for the concept. It was absent entirely from many Perso-Arabic texts of the 8th and 9th centuries.

Integration

The concept ascended to an important principle due to the strong influence of al-Andarzaghar’s Book of Aristotle on Sahl and Abu Ma’shar. Their voluminous and influential output in the early-to-mid 9th century put detriment on the astrological map, so to speak. From that time this added questionable distinction has been a hallmark of western astrological practice.

Was Detriment Integral to Hellenistic and Persian Astrology?

Never an Integral Principle of Hellenistic Astrology

Detriment was not a defined principle of Hellenistic astrology. There is also an absence of evidence that it was used explicitly or even implicitly as an interpretive principle by any of the astrologers of the first 500 years of the practice of Hellenistic astrology. Therefore, detriment was clearly not an integral principle of Hellenistic astrology by any measure.

The early major astrologers drew on the foundational texts of the tradition. If detriment was an interpretive principle in those texts, especially if it was a defined one, then we’d see evidence for it in the surviving early major works, such as those by Dorotheus, Ptolemy, and Valens. We do not. Therefore, any reconstruction of such a concept as a principle of the Hellenistic system is misleading.

Not an Integral Principle of Early Perso-Arabic Astrology

Even when we get to Perso-Arabic astrology, detriment is still not an integral principle of practice in the early period of that tradition. This is a further indication of how detriment failed to become an important and integral principle even by the end of the Hellenistic period. Arguably, some astrologers, such as Hephaistio and/or Rhetorius may have considered something like detriment in interpretation, but it doesn’t appear to have yet become an important or widespread principle in practice.

Apparently, detriment first cropped up as a clear planetary debility in al-Andarzaghar’s Book of Aristotle. It was used as a new type of “fall” and defined instead of the typical fall. This alternative fall (detriment) was marked and atypical in the early Persian tradition which was still comprised primarily of works that used the traditional fall instead. Therefore, detriment was not integral to the Persian system in the narrow sense.

An Integral Principle of Late Perso-Arabic Astrology and Beyond

Detriment became an integral part of late Perso-Arabic astrological practice after being defined into the system alongside of traditional fall by Sahl and Abu Ma’shar. They had been heavily influenced by the Book of Aristotle. It was integral to early European medieval astrology and has remained an integral part of western traditional astrology to this day.

Two Views on Detriment’s Role in Hellenistic Astrology

Given the textual evidence, I see two primary distinct viewpoints which are consistent with it, as well as any number of gradations between them. The skeptical view sees detriment as something completely absent from Hellenistic astrological practice, developed under questionable circumstances relatively late in the Perso-Arabic period. The ancient origins view sees it as originating early in the period, but not catching on until late in the Hellenistic period.

No view supported by the evidence can credibly suppose that detriment was an integral part of Hellenistic astrology due to its absence from the major works of the first 500 years. The pivotal works of the first 500 years which were drawing on the foundational texts show no evidence of using the concept. Therefore, it cannot credibly be considered a part of the Hellenistic system of interpretation nor a principle featured in the now-lost foundational texts.

Skeptical View

On most days of the week, I tend to gravitate toward the skeptical view of detriment. This view sees a lack of the principle of detriment in Hellenistic astrology in the broad sense, the practice, not just in the foundational system. It is the skeptical extreme of the interpretation of the facts. In support of the view, Hephaistio and Rhetorius only had intimations of detriment and they seemed to be arrived at in different manners.

The skeptical view also sees detriment’s development as largely a product of Rhetorius’s misguided over-rationalizations which caused al-Andarzaghar to have some confusion about the nature of fall. Basically, it shows clear indications of being developed primarily as through a game of telephone, and so is a very questionable addition.

Hephaistio’s Remarks and their Descendants

Hephaistio himself or those reading him, appear to have possibly misinterpreted Dorotheus on solar return transits. Additionally, advice about solar return transits and electional chart placements falls short of a general principle, and Hephaistio fails to define such a general principle when given the chance in Book I. Interpolations and backward attribution are extremely common in this tradition (even to the present day; see the Reconstruction section above) so the possibility that the intimations of detriment were due to addition are also possible.

Hephaistio’s transit remark taken out of context shows up directly (word for word) in a later compilation drawing on Serapio, as well as in paraphrase in the compilation Liber Hermetis. When they were added to those compilations is uncertain and may have even been after the development during the Perso-Arabic period. Many late compilations were transmitted with knowledge of Perso-Arabic material. For instance, our manuscript of Porphyry ends with interpolations from the Perso-Arabic astrologer Sahl. Therefore, this position is skeptical but by no means far-fetched.

Rhetorius’s Remarks and their Descendants

The skeptical view directs one to the fact that Rhetorius’s Compendium never does actually define a detriment-like concept of planetary debility. In the Compendium itself, there are only musings on the logic of the layout of houses according to contrary qualities of rulers, in a sort of elaboration of what we see in Ptolemy. There are also some musings on how planetary combinations involving contrariety can lead to bad outcomes.

One can read this material without getting a distinct impression that any planetary debility is implied. Apparently, Theophilus of Edessa did just that.

In another work, attributed to a sign material by Teucer of Babylon as discussed by Rhetorius, we do see the signs characterized as the contrariety of specific planets, which characterized it as a type of planetary debility. However, the material is not just from Teucer, as scholars have noted interpolations pertaining to later astrologers. Additionally, the attribution to Rhetorius has also been questioned. Therefore, we again see the clearest evidence for detriment from a text that is likely a late compilation and may have even been influenced by the Perso-Arabic development of the concept.

Development as a Game of Telephone

The skeptical view sees detriment’s development as through a game of telephone. Accumulated elaborations, erroneous corrections, and misunderstandings led to its creation and elevation as an important principle.

The eventual concept has Aristotelian ideas embedded in it, due to the elaboration of Ptolemaic logic by Rhetorius. Rhetorius’s elaborations for the reasoning behind sign layout were inspired by Ptolemy but took the concept farther, well beyond traditional logic for house layout.

Rhetorius came to the Persian tradition as a compendium of Hellenistic astrology, not as Rhetorius. His musings were not interpreted as the musings of the last major classical astrologer but as an in-depth discussion of an important matter in a comprehensive text of Hellenistic astrology’s principles and techniques.

Due to the fact that Rhetorius discussed the oppositions of the houses immediately following a discussion of exaltation and fall, al-Andarzaghar took it as another type of fall. He even seems to have taken it to be much more important than the more traditional fall.

Similarly, late Perso-Arabic astrologers took al-Andarzaghar’s work as being itself a comprehensive compendium of Hellenistic and early Persian astrology. The substitution of detriment for traditional fall was not seen as a questionable innovation by al-Andarzaghar. This new concept was simply added into the fold of principles by the later Perso-Arabic astrologers. The game of telephone was complete with detriment as an important astrological principle.

Ancient Origins View

More rarely, I muse that ancient origins in Hellenistic astrology may be a possibility. We don’t have textual evidence at this time that any astrologers in the first 500 years of the practice of Hellenistic astrology used or considered detriment. However, this doesn’t mean we won’t run across some one day. Attributions to Serapio and Teucer have their issues, but it is still possible that one of them or some other Hellenistic astrologer did make a statement implying something like detriment, at least in the planetary debility sense, early in the tradition. That would not elevate it to an integral principle as it is absent from the major texts, but the possibility for an early intimation is possible.

Hephaistio, Rhetorius, and Related Texts

Perhaps Hephaistio did correctly paraphrase Dorotheus on the solar return transits. It could be our surviving Dorothean manuscripts and excerpts which altered the passage toward a more aspectual indication.

Perhaps Hephaistio was drawing on an earlier paraphrase of Dorotheus by someone else, which also made its way into the Serapio compilation and the Liber Hermetis.

Rhetorius may have desired to spend more time elaborating upon the opposition to domiciles on account of this Dorothean paraphrase material floating around or even a statement by some other marginal astrologer.

This is all speculative and lacking sufficient evidence, but these are possibilities that are also not completely far-fetched, particularly given the paucity of texts which have survived.

Late Intimations as Possible Implicit Detriment

If the Teucer material is shown to have been correctly attributed to Rhetorius, then that also implies an intimation as a sign-classification, at least at the end of the tradition (6th-7th century).

The Hephaistio remarks show detriment could have been at least an implicit principle for Hephaistio and maybe some other 5th century astrologers. At least for certain types of transits and elections, if not beyond.

Therefore, under the ancient origins view we are implored to consider at least the possibility that something like detriment was an implicit part of astrological practice by some astrologers in late Hellenistic astrology (5th-7th centuries).

Development as Affirmation

The flip side to the skeptical view on development is one which sees development as a matter of astrologers increasingly affirming the value of a once marginal principle. Hephaistio and Rhetorius were discovering the value of this idea in their own practice so it cropped up in their works. Al-Andarzaghar found the concept even more valuable than fall so he heavily promoted it in his own work. Perhaps he found traditional fall less valuable so it was not emphasized.

Later, astrologers like Sahl and Abu Ma’shar considered detriment due to their great respect for the principles and techniques stressed by al-Andarzaghar. Perhaps they put detriment to the test and found that it was just as important as fall, so they made sure to define it alongside fall. Due to the great value of their work and opinions, detriment was assured its rightful place as an important principle of astrology (so this view goes).

My Thoughts on the Ancient Origins View

Personally, I feel that the ancient origins view is unrealistic, full of hero-worship, and lacking critical depth of reasoning.  It appeals to the sense of many traditional astrologers today that the great figures of medieval astrology made no mistakes. Additionally, it appeals to the view that detriment was “destined” to become a principle. What one may see as “mistakes” were actually destiny intervening to make it happen.

My own view is that destiny introduces ideas to confound and degrade just as often as it introduces ideas to clarify and improve. Whether “detriment” was meant to end up a part of the astrological system is irrelevant. The history of ideas is not a one-way march toward enlightenment. We cannot assume that every idea which we inherit is of equal value. As seekers of wisdom, we must think critically and carefully evaluate competing ideas. Evaluation of detriment’s interpretive value is the very subject of Part II.

References

Antiochus of Athens (1993). The Thesaurus. (Robert Hand, Ed. & Robert H. Schmidt, Trans.). Cumberland, MD: The Golden Hind Press.

al-Tabari, U., & al-Hasib, A. B. (2010). Persian Nativities II: ’Umar al-Tabari and Abu Bakr. (B. N. Dykes, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Bishr, S. ibn, & Masha’allah. (2008). Works of Sahl & Masha’allah. (B. N. Dykes, Ed. & Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Bishr, S. ibn. (2019). The Astrology of Sahl B. Bishr: Volume I: Principles, Elections, Questions, Nativities(B. N. Dykes, Ed. & Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Brennan, C. (2017). Hellenistic Astrology: The Study of Fate and Fortune. Amor Fati Publications.

Dorotheus of Sidon. (2005). Carmen Astrologicum. (D. Pingree, Trans.). Abingdon, MD: Astrology Center of America.

Dorotheus of Sidon, & al-Tabari, U. (2017). Carmen Astrologicum: The ’Umar al-Tabari Translation. (B. N. Dykes, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Hephaistio of Thebes (1998). Apotesmatics Book II. (Robert H. Schmidt, Trans.). Cumberland, MD: The Golden Hind Press.

Hephaistion of Thebes (2013). Apotelesmatics Book III: On Inceptions. (E. Gramaglia, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Lopilato, R. (1998). The Apotelesmatika of Manetho, Diss. Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island.

Masha’allah, & al-Khayyat, A. ’Ali. (2009). Persian Nativities I: Masha’allah and Abu ’Ali. (B. N. Dykes, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press

Ma’shar, A., & Al-Qabisi. (2010). Introductions to Traditional Astrology. (B. N. Dykes, Ed. & Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Ma’shar, A. (2019). Persian Nativities IV: On the Revolutions of the Years of Nativities (B. N. Dykes, Ed. & Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.

Maternus, J. F. (2011). Mathesis. (J. H. Holden, Trans.). American Federation of Astrologers.

Paulus Alexandrinus & Olympiodorus. (2001). Late Classical Astrology: Paulus Alexandrinus and Olypiodorus. (D. G. Greenbaum, Trans.). Reston, VA: Arhat.

Porphyry, & Serapio. (2009). Porphyry the Philosopher. (J. H. Holden, Trans.). Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers.

Ptolemy, C. (1940). Ptolemy: Tetrabiblos. (F. E. Robbins, Trans.). Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library. Retrieved from http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Ptolemy/Tetrabiblos/home.html

Rhetorius of Egypt, & Teucer of Babylon. (2009). Rhetorius the Egyptian. (J. H. Holden, Trans.). Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers.

Valens, V. (2010). Anthologies. (M. Riley, Trans.) (Online PDF.). World Wide Web: Mark Riley. Retrieved from http://www.csus.edu/indiv/r/rileymt/Vettius%20Valens%20entire.pdf

Featured image is a detail from “Helios and Phaeton with Saturn and the Four Seasons” Nicolas Poussin (circa 1635) [Public domain]

The Origin of the Zodiac

Introduction

In a prior article, I discussed the history of the tropical zodiac. That article was centered on the research of historians of science. In this article, I look back to the origin of the twelve sign zodiac itself. In other words, I’ll be looking at the Babylonian zodiac. Like the article on the tropical zodiac, this one is intended to share some reliable historic information of interest with the general public. I hope you will find some interesting facts regarding the origin of the zodiac regardless of whether you believe in astrology.

Current State of Confusion

There is generally a lot of confusion as to the origin of the regular twelve sign zodiac, and why it split into sidereal and tropical zodiacs. I can recall my own past internet searches on the topic which had often ended in frustration due to a dearth of publicly available information. Even academic sources sometimes provide oversimplifications or ambiguities that lead to misunderstandings.

Tropical Zodiac Antiquity

As noted in the article on the tropical zodiac, the antiquity of the tropical zodiac tends to be misunderstood. For instance, it is widely thought that the tropical zodiac first came about in the 2nd century CE with Ptolemy’s Almagest. However, one of the most surprising aspects of zodiac history is that the tropical zodiac is nearly as old as the (Babylonian) regular zodiac itself. It was adopted by Greek astronomers in the late 5th century BCE, almost as soon as the zodiac became known in Greece. For more information about this see my article on the age of the tropical zodiac.

Number of Babylonian Zodiacal Constellations

Additionally, many believe there was a long historical use of a twelve constellation zodiac in Babylonian astrology prior to the advent of the regularized zodiac. As we’ll see the constellational zodiac of the Babylonians was one of 17-18 constellations (two were often condensed to one yielding 17). It was contracted into a twelve constellation zodiac after the zodiac was regularized. The regularization itself was due to calendrical influences. It is not the case that twelve constellations on the ecliptic particularly stood out for astrological use.

Calendar and Zodiac

What is most frequently overlooked in discussions of the zodiac is the important role the calendar played in influencing the decision to have 12 signs, 360 degrees, and Aries as the first sign. I have heard the tropical zodiac disparaged as just a fancy calendar. Such a statement belies ignorance about the important agricultural, cultural, and symbolic roles played by calendars in the ancient world. In fact, the advent of the twelve sign zodiac, especially the regular zodiac, is bound up with the calendar. An understanding of the close link between the zodiac and the calendar sheds light on some of the impetus and logic behind the zodiac.

The Myth

There’s a myth that is prevalent in the history of the zodiac. A convenient myth that makes for a nice simple explanation of the zodiac’s origins. The myth goes something like the italicized passage below.

The ancient Babylonians used the constellations that we still know today in their astrology. Twelve of their astrological constellations, those lying on the ecliptic, became the zodiac. Then as Babylonians became more concerned with mathematical astronomy, and less concerned with direct observation, they regularized the zodiac to 12 equal signs of thirty degrees. These signs roughly corresponded to the constellations they were named for. They were fixed relative to those constellations by a reference star and the zodiac was thus sidereal in both essence and calculation, without regard for the tropical relationship between the ecliptic and the equator. Much later, some Greek astronomers, most notably Ptolemy, opted to fix the signs relative to the equinox (intersection of ecliptic and equator), turning the zodiac into a sort of solar calendar. 

Missing Elements

Unfortunately for those who like simple and convenient theories, this myth betrays the very messy, complex, and fascinating true history of the zodiac. The myth does this through oversimplification and by ignoring the pivotal role of three extremely important elements.

First, it ignores the lack of sharp distinction between tropical and sidereal in the ancient world, where stars (sidereal) were regularly used as sign posts of the seasonal solar (tropical) year. Prior to knowledge of precession, the stars were the most readily apparent stellar sign posts of the tropical year. The Babylonians lacked knowledge of precession so they did not draw the sort of distinction between sidereal and tropical that we do today.

Secondly, it ignores the pivotal role played by the Babylonian idealized administrative calendar. That calendar was correlated with tropical features of the year as well as the phases and declinations of the fixed stars. It played a central role in Babylonian astrology and in shaping the zodiac.

Third, it ignores the fact that the zodiac was almost immediately imported into Greece where an explicitly tropical orientation was preferred from the start. Interestingly, that preference came prior to any knowledge of precession.

A Taste of Reality

Here is a taste of some of the facts betrayed by this myth.

Just prior to the regularization of the zodiac, the Babylonians were using a zodiac of at least 17 constellations, not 12. This was the constellational zodiac in use until roughly the time that the regularized 12 signs came into being. Its use was discontinued not long after the regularized zodiac arose.

The Babylonians had an administrative calendar of 12 months of 30 days each that was used since at least the end of the 4th millennium BCE. It is actually the oldest calendar attested in writing, being found in preliterate logographic cuneiform accounting texts. By the end of the 2nd millennium BCE, this calendar had become linked with the tropical/seasonal cycle through the phases of the fixed stars and variations in the length of day. By the time of the composition of the MUL.APIN (prior to 7th century BCE) it had become the central calendar for Babylonian astrology and astronomy. In the MUL.APIN, the most heavily copied text of Babylonian astrology, it is centrally featured throughout.

We’ll be examining these facts, and many more, in detail, with support from Babylonian texts and scholarly work in the history of science.

Thesis

The origins of the Babylonian zodiac (and much of early astrology) are intimately linked with the agricultural year. Phases of the fixed stars relative to the Sun were used as significant markers of the agricultural year by ancient agricultural societies from Mesopotamia to Greece and beyond. The history of using the fixed stars as the yardstick for essentially tropical agricultural cycles long predates knowledge of precession or even the ability to accurately pinpoint the equinox.

The origin of the first 12 sign zodiac, with signs of 30 degrees, involved motivating factors that can be characterized as both sidereal and tropical. Its shape, regularity, and ratios are a direct result of the calendar rather than the stars. The Babylonian ideal calendar upon which it was based had a long standing tradition of correlation with the tropical year.

The use of sidereal periods and markers rather than tropical ones follows logically from their overtness and the Babylonian lack of knowledge of precession. With the stars as the long-standing yardstick for the tropical year and a lack of knowledge regarding their shift relative to the equinox, it is little wonder that longitudes should’ve been calculated by sidereal rather than tropical reference. Hence, we find the confusion wrought by a regular zodiac shaped by the calendar, correlated to the tropical year, named for the constellations, and measured by the stars, inevitably fracturing into tropical and sidereal counterparts.

What’s a Zodiac?

Before journeying to Babylon, let’s consider just what a zodiac is. Loosely defined, a zodiac consists of segments of the sky that the Sun, Moon, and visible planets appear to pass through. It is the segmentation of the “road” traveled by the Sun, Moon, and classical planets.

There are three major types of zodiac. These are constellational zodiacs consisting of groupings of stars, and two major types of regularized zodiac coordinate systems. Those two types are one fixed with respect to a reference star (sidereal) and one fixed with respect to the celestial equator (tropical). Additionally, the solar calendar can also act as a sort of proto-zodiac due to the correlation of solar declination and time of year with segments of sky by association with the phases of the fixed stars.

The Moon Among the Stars

Many cultures used and continue to use a zodiac of constellations. These are the constellations through which the Moon and planets travel. A couple examples include the twelve zodiacal constellations, as well as the 17-18 constellations in the Path of the Moon of the Babylonians. The number of constellations can vary, and constellations themselves vary in size and orientation. Traditional constellations also lack well-defined boundaries between them. Constellational references may include language about positions before, in, or after specific constellations, while sign reference refer only to positions within signs.

As stars become apparent at night, it is chiefly the passage of the Moon through the constellations which make the constellational shapes most significant. The precise ecliptic as defined by the passage of the Sun is not as significant. The Sun’s passage through whole constellations is not visible, though constellations which rise before sunrise were notable (see next section). We see this stress on the Moon’s position in a constellational zodiac in the ancient uses of the Indian nakshatras and the Babylonian constellations in the Path of the Moon.

The Sun and the Phases of the Stars

Ancient civilizations were agricultural. While the Sun’s passage through the constellations was not directly apparent, the phases of the stars with respect to the Sun were of the utmost importance.

Sirius

Take for instance the first appearance of the bright star Sirius rising just before sunrise (after having been obscured by the Sun’s rays for about a month). This event initially heralded the flooding of the Nile for the Egyptians. The flooding of the Nile was crucial for Egyptian agriculture, so this event was closely monitored. It was used as the start of the Egyptian year. Interestingly, Sirius is displaced from the ecliptic such that precession has a small effect on the length of the year relative to Sirius, which was almost exactly 365.25 days. The fact that Egyptians compared their 365 day calendar year to the exact heliacal rising of Sirius may be one reason that Egyptians initially proposed the concept of the leap year (acted upon by Julius Caesar).

Off the Ecliptic

The phases of the fixed stars are neither dependent upon the form of the constellations themselves nor that the Sun pass through constellations (i.e. the stars don’t need to be on the ecliptic). However, they were used to divide the annual year of the Sun’s path and sometimes also the sky. As we’ll see, the Babylonians divided up the stars into 3 paths based on declination. Declination relates to the phases of the stars and the solar cycle (shape of the ecliptic). The phases of the fixed stars do not represent a type of zodiac, but their relationship with the solar year and thus the shape of the ecliptic, cause them to associate readily with the tropical year and its calendar.

Coordinates of Space

The two other types of zodiacs consist of signs rather than constellations. Signs are divisions of the belt of the ecliptic (the road of the Sun, Moon and planets) into regular segments (typically 12). These sign-based zodiacs double as coordinate systems with which one can specify the precise position of a planet with respect to the 360-degree ecliptic. For instance, a planet may be positioned in a specific one of twelve 30 degree segments or signs.

Sidereal and Tropical

There are two main different types of zodiacal coordinate systems, sidereal and tropical. A sidereal zodiac is defined with respect to a reference star. For instance, one could measure the distance between the Moon and the bright star Spica. A tropical zodiac is defined with respect to the celestial equator, and thus the solar year on Earth. The intersection of the ecliptic (solar path) with the equator (earth path) at the equinoctial points is the reference. For instance, we can measure the distance between the Moon and the point of the equinox where the ecliptic crosses the equator into the northern hemisphere (northern hemisphere’s Vernal Equinox).

It is important to note that there are many sidereal zodiacs, as different reference stars can be used. Still, all sidereal zodiacs are fixed relative to a reference star. Similarly, a tropical zodiac is not dependent on the exact starting point but that the starting point is fixed with respect to the celestial equator (i.e. point of equinox). For instance, as I noted in the article on the tropical zodiac, Geminos (1st century BCE) believed (wrongly) that the Babylonian zodiac was tropical, differing from the Greek zodiac only in that it started 8 degrees prior to the Vernal Equinox rather than at the Vernal Equinox.

Lunar and Solar Zodiacs

Interestingly, the sidereal zodiac is intimately related to the old observations of the Moon relative to the images of the constellations (observational omens). By contrast, the tropical zodiac is intimately related to the old observations of the phases of the fixed stars relative to the Sun and the calendar omen tradition (sign posts of the solar calendar).

As noted, the sidereal zodiac uses the stars as a reference. Stars were used as a reference system for tracking the Moon’s motion in the heavens, as she and the stars are most apparent by night.

The tropical zodiac is defined by the Sun, as the Sun’s apparent motion throughout the year defines the shape of the ecliptic. The cardinal points of the Sun cycle define the tropical zodiac and the agricultural/seasonal calendar year with its variation in the length of day and night.

In this way, there are real historical and natural links of the Moon to the sidereal zodiac and the Sun to the tropical one.

Precession

The concept of a zodiac with twelve equal signs emerged in the 5th century BCE before people knew that the sidereal and tropical points of reference could shift relative to each other. The Babylonian zodiac was a synthesis of an idealized calendar of 360 days with the (condensed) constellations. People were not aware that there could be a difference between a tropical and sidereal point of reference until a few centuries later, and even then only a small group of Greek astronomers were aware of the difference.

In the 2nd century BCE, the Greek astronomer Hipparchus discovered that the stars and the equinoctial points slowly shift with respect to each other, called precession. Unfortunately, his work on precession was not widely known until some time after Ptolemy popularized it in the 2nd century CE. For this reason, early astrological texts are often confusing when it comes to the tropical vs. sidereal issue.

Early Zodiac Riddles

Early astrologers, unaware of a difference between the two types of zodiac, often made statements implying use of one or the other at different points in the same texts. We see this in Babylonian astrology as well as in early horoscopic astrology (Hellenistic astrology).

For instance, Marcus Manilius (1st century CE) and Vettius Valens (2nd century CE) both used rising time schemes that entail zodiacal symmetry about the equinox. Such symmetry implies a tropical zodiac starting at the equinox. However, the zodiacal planetary longitudes in Valens’s text were clearly based on sidereal periods. In a prior article, I’ve shown that some of the signs Valens gave for planets in his own chart are actually different in the tropical zodiac.

Valens also evidently believed the equinox was at 8 degrees Aries of his zodiac. However, this was at a time when the common sidereal and tropical zodiacs almost exactly coincided. The zodiacal longitudes he used imply that the equinox would have been at about 1-2 Aries of his zodiac, many degrees off from the 8 degrees Aries position where he believed it was fixed.

Convenience and Ignorance

Examples like those in Valens clearly demonstrate a lack of knowledge of precession even in the 2nd century CE. In the absence of knowledge of precession, early astrologers believed the zodiac to be both tropically and sidereally fixed. This is true whether they placed the equinox at 0 Aries like the Greek astronomers or 8 Aries like the Babylonian ones. They relied on the tables available to them, which were by and large of the Babylonian tradition and sidereally based.

For these reasons, it is easy to see why such astrologers could use some figures, such as rising times, that imply a tropical zodiac. Also, they can make statements implying that the equinox is fixed somewhere in the zodiac that it hadn’t been for hundreds of years. Without knowledge of precession, there is no reason that they should’ve expected these statements to be puzzling to future readers. They were simply repeating inherited knowledge and using the available tables of the astronomers.

Conscious Choices?

Early zodiacal longitudes were clearly based on sidereal periods of the planets. Additionally, the oldest zodiacs are constellational ones, consisting of groupings of stars, such as the constellations in the Path of the Moon of the Babylonians. These facts bolster the view that the constellational sidereal zodiac is “the original zodiac”. However, a constellational zodiac differs in significant ways from a regularized sidereal zodiac. In a constellational zodiac, it is the specific stars and constellations that confer meaning, not segments and degrees.

The original use of constellations as an imagistic observational zodiac, and the use of specific stars as longitudinal reference points, is well-founded. However, the view that the stars were the motivating force behind the regular 12 sign zodiac is faulty. Additionally, the distinction between the positions of stars and the positions of days in the tropical year was a blurry one in the Babylonian tradition.

Calendrical Regularization

As we’ll see the 12 sign zodiac was largely motivated by an idealized 12 month calendar correlated with the tropical solar year. The 12 month calendar was a proto-zodiac for the Babylonians. It was associated with the seasonal year, declination of the Sun, and variation in day length (tropical elements).

The Babylonian zodiac was a fusion of the constellational zodiac of unequal constellations with the idealized regular 12 month solar calendar of equal months by a culture ignorant of precession. The advent of the regularized zodiac occurred in the context of a move away from observational astral sciences toward mathematical ones.

Awareness of Precession

The first astronomers to become aware of precession made the conscious choice to use a tropical orientation. The Greek tropical zodiac distinguishes itself as the first regularized 12 sign zodiac to be consciously distinguished as tropical or sidereal. The Greek zodiac used the equinoxes and solstices as reference points from the start, in the late 5th century BCE. Then beginning with Hipparchus in the 2nd century BCE we see the first conscious distinction between tropical and sidereal, with the choice of tropical. This matter is further discussed in the article on the age of the tropical zodiac.

The tropical zodiac is also the first zodiac to be consciously distinguished as tropical or sidereal by astrologers, beginning at least by the time of Ptolemy (2nd century CE). We currently lack evidence that prior to Hipparchus and Ptolemy there were any astronomers or astrologers aware of precession and choosing a sidereal orientation for a regularized zodiac. Therefore, the unconscious sidereal fixity of the Babylonian zodiac which started in the 5th century BCE should be contrasted with the conscious tropical fixity of the zodiac of the Greek astronomers later in that same century.

Part I: Fertile Lands, Fertile Skies

Much has been written about the close relationship between agriculture and the rise of cities. Most notable is Jared Diamond’s “Guns, Germs, and Steel” (originally published in 1997). Diamond showed how the ready availability of high-quality domesticable plants and animals and an east-west orientation (facilitating their transfer across similar latitudes), gave Eurasia (inclusive of northern Africa) a distinct head start in terms of technological development and lethal germ intimacy. That head start in turn led to their societies becoming dominant forces in much of the rest of the world.

As we’ll see the importance of calendrics for astrological societies encouraged close observation of the phases of the fixed stars. Therefore, the rise of mathematical astronomy in the land with the best potentially domesticable plants and animals (Mesopotamia) is no coincidence. By way of the phases of the fixed stars, the tropical year and the stars became intimately bound up together in the origin of mathematical astronomy.

The Agricultural Revolution

The agricultural revolution drastically transformed the human way of life. However, it was not a worldwide revolution that happened all at once. It occurred in different places at different times. Much of the world was without intensive agriculture until modern times and some areas still lack it. It also didn’t occur until roughly 7 million years after the appearance of the first hominids. Therefore, it is a rather recent development in human history. Humans are by no means farming animals by instinct.

“For most of the time since the ancestors of modern humans diverged from the ancestors of the living great apes, around 7 million years ago, all humans on Earth fed themselves exclusively by hunting wild animals and gathering wild plants, as the Blackfeet still did in the 19th century. It was only within the last 11,000 years that some peoples turned to what is termed food production: that is, domesticating wild animals and plants and eating the resulting livestock and crops.” (Diamond, 1997, p. 86)

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Agriculture and Specialization

Agriculturaly-based societies have a strong need for cooperation, specialization, hierarchy, accounting, and calendrics. In terms of social organization, hierarchy, based on a parent-child dynamic, and specialization, ensure that tasks get accomplished in a cooperative fashion by those who know best how to perform them. Accounting is important for making sure that workers are compensated and that goods are effectively distributed. Calendrics become important for coordinating the timing of annual activities and for logging work days and annual requirements of the state.

The surpluses of agriculture enabled the peoples of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and China to put division of labor to work for them. The surpluses of these early agricultural societies enabled the growth of specialization. Some of the forms of specialization most frequently highlighted by scholars include the scribe/record-keeper and the king/bureaucrat. It is hard to imagine how a society with a large population could possibly function without some means of record-keeping (writing) and political rule. A more easily overlooked specialization is that of the stargazing astrologer-astronomers. After all, today, we can quite readily accept that the functioning of society is not in any way dependent upon astrologers.

Fields of Stars

It is intriguing that most of the handful of early literate agricultural societies from Mesopotamia to the Mesoamerica, developed their own forms of astrological theory. While plant and animal domestication began in Mesopotamia about 11,000 years ago, it didn’t begin in Mesoamerica until at least 5,000 years later at the earliest (see Diamond, 1997, Ch. 8). Writing came later in both areas, and astrology even later.

It is telling that they both independently developed complex forms of astrology. They did so despite quite different cultures, starting points, and sets of domesticable plants and animals. Similar situations hold for the other early agricultural civilizations of Eurasia, such as Egypt and China. Why is it that early agriculturally-based societies with a means of record-keeping should turn their attention to closely tracking and recording the movements of the stars?

The Fertile Crescent

The earliest and most thoroughly studied of the ancient agricultural societies is Mesopotamia. Mesopotamia means the land between rivers, as it lies between the Tigris and Euphrates. It is appropriately nicknamed the Fertile Crescent. This area was not only the site of the first intensive agriculture and elaborate city complexes, but also the first writing and written astrology.

Multiple competing agricultural societies arose in the area. The most notable two groups were the Sumerians and the Akkadians of the southern half of the region. They were groups of people with distinct histories speaking distinct languages.

Why Mesopotamia?

Why was Mesopotamia the initial crux of the agricultural revolution? It is not that the area was simply more suitable for farming than other areas. California is very suitable for farming and has been occupied for 13,000 to 15,000 years. However, extensive agriculture did not arise in California until modern times. The answer pertains to the quantity of high quality domesticable plants and animals which are native to a region, particularly high-yield cereal grasses.

“Indeed, [the] worldwide survey of locally available large-seeded wild grasses […], and the worldwide survey of locally available big mammals […], agree in showing that all those areas of nonexistent or limited indigenous food production were deficient in wild ancestors of domesticable livestock and cereals.” (Diamond, 1997, p. 153)

Incentive

For a detailed discussion of this topic, please see Diamond’s book, especially the chapter “Apples or Indians”. Diamond explains how the agricultural lifestyle is in competition with the hunter-gatherer lifestyle. Without significant incentive from very productive wild ancestors of domesticable crops and animals, experiments in domestication by hunter-gatherers occur very slowly or not at all. He details the immense domesticable plant and animal resources the people of Mesopotamia had at their disposal.

“Thanks to this availability of suitable wild mammals and plants, early peoples of the Fertile Crescent could quickly assemble a potent and balanced biological package for intensive food production. That package comprised three cereals, as the main carbohydrate sources; four pulses, with 20-25 percent protein, and four domestic animals, as the main protein sources, supplemented by the generous protein content of wheat; and flax as a source of fiber and oil […]. Eventually, thousands of years after the beginnings of animal domestication and food production, the animals also began to be used for milk, wool, plowing, and transport. Thus, the crops and animals of the Fertile Crescent’s first farmers came to meet humanity’s basic economic needs: carbohydrate, protein, fat, clothing, traction, and transport.” (Diamond, 1997, p. 142)

The Birth of Writing

Writing was originally an invention of the Sumerians in the late 4th millennium BCE. The Sumerians (in what is now southern Iraq) spoke a language which has no known relatives (it is an isolate). Their written language was initially logographic (one symbol per word) created by impressing a triangular or wedge-shaped (cuneiform) stylus into clay. The pictograms of this written system were used mainly for accounting purposes.

In the 3rd millennium BCE, this logographic script developed into a syllabic one (largely by means of the rebus principle). At that point the written language became much more robust, literacy became widespread in the region, and texts became richer. The Sumerian script was adopted by neighboring societies of Mesopotamia to write their languages as well, most notably Akkadian.

The rebus principle in action. Icons for concrete items like eyes and bees can be used to signify component sounds in the names of abstract concepts, such as the brand IBM.

Akkad to Babylon

Just north of Sumer was Akkad, home to the Akkadians, speakers of a Semitic language. Some of the more famous Semitic languages are Arabic, Hebrew, and Ancient Phoenician. Semitic is a subfamily of Afro-Asiatic which includes Ancient Egyptian and many languages of northern Africa and the Middle East. Akkadian would in time become a lingua-franca for the entire Near East.

In the 3rd millennium BCE, the Akkadians and Sumerians underwent extensive cultural contact to the point of widespread bilingualism. Akkadian eventually overtook Sumerian as the dominant language of the region by the 2nd millenium BCE. However, Akkadian retained much borrowed Sumerian in the language. The Akkadian ruler Sargon also briefly united Mesopotamia under one empire in 2334 (fell in 2154 BCE). Not long after its fall, there arose another brief empire of Sumerian speakers (Ur III; 2112-2004 BCE). That empire (Ur III) is particularly well-documented due to the survival of thousands of clay tablets with accounting records from the period.

Eventually two major Akkadian-speaking nations arose in Mesopotamia, Assyria in the north and Babylonia in the south. Some notable cities of Babylonia are its old Sumerian centers of Ur and Uruk. A small provincial town called Babylon was expanded under Hammurabi (18th century BCE) to eventually become the largest city in the world. It was around this same period (2nd millennium BCE) that we find our first evidence of an integrated theory of celestial divination, astrology.

Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia c.1450 BCE

What is Babylonian Astrology?

Later we will look at the nature of Babylonian astrology, but for now let’s consider what is meant when we speak of this tradition in regional and political terms. What is typically referred to as Babylonian astrology is the tradition that began most clearly in the 2nd millennium BCE in Babylonia. It continued in the region (mainly Babylonia and Assyria) up until about the 1st century CE.

A Few Notable Changes of the Guard

It is important to note though that this regional astrological tradition was not always practiced under Babylonian political rule. The astrology was one of Mesopotamia, but primarily in Babylonia and neighboring Assyria. The most important surviving tablets are from about the 8th century BCE onward. Those tablets are believed to reflect a tradition going back at least to the mid 2nd millennium BCE.

From 911-619 BCE, Babylonia actually came under Assyrian rule (Neo-Assyrian Empire). Next it came back under Babylonian rule (Neo-Babylonian Empire; 626-539 BCE). Following that it was under the ruler of speakers of an Indo-European language, the Persians (Achaemenid Empire; ~539-333 BCE). The collapse of the Achaemenid Emire occurred as a result of Alexander the Great’s conquest in 333 BCE. It was then part of the Greek Seleucid Empire (~333-150 BCE). After that, it belonged to the Parthian Empire, also known as the Arsacid Empire (~150 BCE to 226 CE).

Indo-European Languages in the Region

Interestingly, the Persians, Greeks, and Parthians were all speakers of Indo-European languages. Persian and Parthian are much more closely related though as members of the same Iranian subgroup (written with Pahlavi).

Despite varying rule during the last half of the first millennium and beyond, the region remained a predominantly Persian area from the Persian conquest up until the Arab Muslim conquest of the 7th century CE. Also, despite being ruled by speakers of Indo-European languages in the latter period, important texts of the region continued to be written in cuneiform (in Sumerian-laden Akkadian) until about the 1st century CE.

Regional Trade

Trade across the Middle East and the Mediterranean thrived at varying points in Mesopotamian history. Societies were by no means isolated. At different points in time goods and ideas freely flowed between Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, and beyond.

I note that because this article will focus on Babylonian developments, but we cannot be sure all such developments occurred in a vacuum. The Babylonian zodiac was clearly exported to Greece within the century it first appears in cuneiform texts. The first horoscopic astrology (i.e. Hellenistic astrology) itself arose out of a synthetic mix of natively Babylonian, Egyptian, and Greek elements.

Significant Developments

The other important thing to note is that the astrology of the region underwent significant changes, particularly during the period of Persian rule (6th to 4th century BCE). The advent of the zodiac and the birth of a new more sophisticated mathematical astronomy in the region arose during those centuries when it was part of the Persian Achaemenid Empire. Additionally, the region was part of the Hellenistic world soon after these developments, during the time when it was in the Greek Seleucid Empire (~330-150 BCE) .

Unfortunately, even scholars sometimes too loosely lump together Babylonian astrology of say the 8th century BCE with that of the 3rd century BCE. The old cuneiform tradition did survive right on through to the 1st century CE. However, as noted, it underwent extensive change and development in the middle of the 1st millennium, especially in the 5th and 4th centuries BCE.

The developments included the introduction of the 12 sign zodiac, the ability to calculate planetary longitudes (ephemerides), a more abstract mathematical orientation, and the advent of personal horoscopy (individual birth charts). For this reason, it is important to distinguish early Babylonian astrology from late Babylonian astrology. We want to avoid projecting late developments backward in time as features that existed since the beginning of the tradition – an all too common mistake.

Early and Late Babylonian Astrology

Early Babylonian astrology can roughly be equated with the astrology of the regions of Babylonia and Assyria prior to the Persian conquest in the mid-6th century BCE. Late Babylonian astrology can be roughly equated with the astrology of the same regions from soon after the Persian conquest until about the 1st century CE. However, note that scholars often distinguish Late Babylonian astrology as starting about a century earlier (about 750 BCE), around the time of the MUL.APIN.

Early Babylonian astrology was not static. The most important work of Early Babylonian astrology, the MUL.APIN may represent a stepping stone from Early to Late Babylonian astrology. It continues the tradition of the late 2nd millennium BCE but with a couple changes and with a strong influence upon the later more mathematical tradition. Also, the reign of Nabonassar (747-734 BCE) saw an emphasis on keeping systematic astronomical diaries, which in turn enabled the discovery of sidereal periods for planetary phenomena. Later, we will be examining how an innovation of Late Babylonian Astrology, the 12 sign zodiac, was shaped by a notable feature of Early Babylonian Astrology, the 360 day calendar.

Nisaba: Goddess of Grain and the Scribal Arts

“… if any deity in the third millennium deserves credit for being interested in the stars it would be Nisaba.” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p.32)

Celestial omens started appearing in Mesopotamia near the end of the 3rd millennium BCE. I have noted how agriculture made cities, writing, and astrological record-keeping possible in the region. The Sumerian goddess Nisaba is of interest as her associations included agriculture, writing, the stars, and the calendar.

“The overall impression given by the Sumerian sources is that Nisaba was mainly concerned with the management of agriculture and the timing of activities that were dependent on the yearly seasons. The knowledge of astronomy (not astrology!) attributed to her was used to correct the vagaries of the lunar calendar.” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p. 33)

The Sumerian goddess Nisaba (goddess of writing) is depicted on this fragment of a chlorite vase. The name of Entemena, ruler of Lagash, is mentioned in the cuneiform text. c. 2430 BC. From Southern Mesopotamia, Iraq. The Pergamon Museum, Berlin, Germany.

Nisaba’s Tablet

How did Nisaba correct the vagaries of the lunar calendar?  It appears that she did so with the use of her tablet that had the stars of the heavens.

“She is said to measure heaven and earth, to know the secrets of calculation and, together with Suen, to “count the days”. She was associated in some way with the stars already in the Fara period. Her temple in Ereš was called the é-mul-mul, “House of the Stars”. Among many other tablets she had a lapis-lazuli tablet which is sometimes called the dub mul-an, “tablet with the stars of the heavens”, or dub mul-an-kù, “tablet with the stars of the pure heavens”.” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p. 32)

Nisaba was also worshiped by the Akkadians. The Akkadians and Sumerians added each other’s gods to their pantheons. Borrowing gods is commonplace among polytheistic cultures, including even in classical Roman times prior to the rise of Christianity.

Interestingly, we see Nisaba, her tablet, and a bright star associated with an Akkadian temple election in the 3rd millennium BCE. What is interesting is that the temple election text suggests the astrological use of the phases of the fixed stars as early as the 3rd milllennium BCE.

“In Gudea Cyl. A v 23 — vi 2 she is said to consult the tablet in order to tell Gudea with a bright star to begin the construction of Ningirsu’s temple.” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p. 33)

What, if any, is the connection between agriculture, accounting, issues with the lunar calendar, and tablets with records of stars?

Astro-Meteorology

Classics scholar, Daryn Lehoux, also touched on the riddle of Nisaba in his fascinating 2007 book, “Astronomy, Weather, and Calendars in the Ancient World: Parapegmata and Related Texts in Classical and Near Eastern Societies“. His work focuses on how “classical astronomy and astrology originate in techniques for weather prediction” (Lehoux, 2007, p. 26).

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Lehoux’s work fills a void as historians of science have tended to focus on the advent of sophisticated mathematical models of planetary motion as the start of their histories of astronomy. However, astrometeorology is an older tradition, still practiced to the present day (see your farmer’s almanac), and of more fundamental importance for agricultural societies.

“Since their calendars were at best of limited usefulness for the timing of seasonal activities, Greeks, Romans, Mesopotamians, and Egyptians all turned to the observation of the fixed stars in order to determine the best times for planting, harvesting, pruning, sailing, and more. This is because what are called the phases of the fixed stars are very closely tied to the agricultural season, and so are good indicators of when those seasons begin and end.” (Lehoux, 2007, p. 8)

Recalling the Greek Parapegmata

In my article on the origins of the tropical zodiac, I noted the importance of Greek and Roman astrometeorological texts from at least the time of Hesiod’s Works and Days.  The Greek Hesiod’s Works and Days (8th century BCE) and the Roman Virgil’s Georgics (1st century BCE) represent two famous early literary examples from those classical cultures.

“When the Pleiades, daughters of Atlas, are rising [in early May], begin your harvest, and your ploughing when they are going to set [in November]. Forty nights and days they are hidden and appear again as the year moves round, when first you sharpen your sickle.” (Hesiod, Works and Days, #383, Evelyn-White trans., 1914, p. 31)

“What makes the cornfield smile; beneath what star
Maecenas, it is meet to turn the sod
Or marry elm with vine”
(Virgil’s first lines of his Georgics, Rhoades trans., 1891, p. 3)

Fixed Stars in a Tropical Tradition

Many of the Hellenistic astronomers and astrologers played significant roles in the astrometeorological tradition. The parapegmata of the Greek geometric astronomers reveal a desire to fix the zodiac to the equinox from the time that the zodiac arrived in Greece. Still, the Greeks used the stars as the sign posts of the tropical year.

Geminos (1st century BCE) asserted that the tropical zodiac was the Greek way yet still presented a parapegma based on the phases of the fixed stars.  Ptolemy wrote his own literary parapegma on the Phases of the Fixed Stars despite being a conscious and explicit tropicalist with knowledge of precession. The Greco-Roman astrometeorological texts reveal that a desire to define the year and zodiac tropically was not incompatible with the use of the phases of the fixed stars as annual signposts. For more on this matter see the article on the origin of the tropical zodiac.

Phases of the Fixed Stars

As an aside let me briefly clarify what is meant by the phases of the fixed stars.

Heliacal Rising and Setting

A heliacal rising is an annual event. It occurs when a star first becomes visible in the east just before sunrise, after a period of being invisible (obscured by the Sun’s beams). The heliacal setting of a star is another annual event, which is the star’s last appearance in the west just after sunset, before it disappears behind the Sun’s beams. The time from heliacal setting to heliacal rising is about 30 days for stars near the ecliptic.

Achronycal Rising and Cosmical Setting

Acronychal rising (or evening rising) is when a star rises just after the Sun sets. It follows morning or heliacal rising in the sequence. It is followed by cosmical setting (morning setting) which is when it sets on the western horizon just before the Sun rises. Therefore the cycle is heliacal setting (evening setting), then heliacal rising (morning rising), then acronychal rising (evening rising), then cosmical setting (morning setting), then repeat. These are the most important phases of the fixed stars.

True Phases

Note that these heliacal phases are the apparent ones. There are also “true” heliacal phases which arose later and require calculation. True heliacal rising is when a star rises with the Sun exactly, which must be calculated. It can be difficult to tell whether a true or apparent rising is indicated in some later classical texts.

Intercalation

Lehoux notes that the stories of Nisaba indicate the use of astronomy to regulate the agricultural year. He also notes that some scholars have argued that the heliacal risings of fixed stars were used to regulate the calendar from a very early period.

The regular Babylonian civil calendar was a lunisolar one of 12 months. Each month was from first lunar visibility to next first visibility. The months alternated between 29 and 30 days in length, making for a year of 354 days, about 11 days short of the true solar year. It would require intercalation (insertion of an extra month) at regular periods to put it back in step with the seasons. The phases of the fixed stars could be used relative to the calendar to judge when intercalation was necessary.

However, there are some riddles pertaining to the early tablets listing the rising of the fixed stars. Often the early astrolabe texts, as they are called, seem to present a mythological ordering of the rising of fixed stars that is impossible in reality and could not have been used to correct the calendar. Therefore, the evidence for using the phases of the fixed stars to correct the calendar (determine when to intercalate a month) in the late 3rd and much of the 2nd millennium is not very robust. There is more evidence of intercalating the lunisolar calendar (of ~354 days) every three years, and sometimes even of neglecting to properly intercalate.

Mesopotamian Parapegmata?

Unfortunately, the Mesopotamians had no parapegmata in which the days of the year were all listed together with their corresponding significant annual astro-meteorological events. They did have a separate astrometeorological tradition though. Material similar to the classical astrometeorology of the Greek and Romans is seen in the most important text of early Babylonian Astrology, the MUL.APIN.

“Most similar to the classical parapegmata is a text called MUL.APIN, which has a list of schematic heliacal rising dates, and some seasonal meteorological predictions. It is certainly not a paragema, however, and the similarities between it and classical parapegmata are not close enough to warrant a claim of Mesopotamian influence. Nevertheless, MUL.APIN and other Mesopotamian texts do show that problems with timing annual climactic cycles were sometimes handled in analogous ways in Mesopotamia, Greece, and Rome, and this in itself is interesting as it points to similar sets of solutions to similar kinds of problems being found independently in these different cultures.” (Lehoux, 2007, p. 101)

Beyond Nisaba’s Time

The way in which Nisaba’s star tablet was used to correct the vagaries of the calendar way back in the 3rd millennium BCE is still shrouded in mystery. The use of a tablet of star information to help correct the lunar calendar with respect to the solar year and aid the administration and accounting of an agricultural empire logically evokes the use of paragegmata in classical Greek and Roman society. However, the early Babylonian astro-meteorological tradition is rather messy and full of mysteries.

On the other hand, the associations between agriculture, writing, the stars, and the calendar are not mysterious. Their strong relationship becomes much more apparent in the influential texts of the late 2nd and early 1st millennium. When one looks at the administrative calendar and its role in early texts, these connections become clear. By the time of the MUL.APIN, the phases of the stars definitely did play a role in adjusting the lunar calendar with respect to the solar year.

“The Mesopotamians also used the phases of the fixed stars as indicators of weather patterns, and stellar phases played an important role in the so-called Uruk scheme, which regularized their lunar calendar with respect to the solar year.” (Lehoux, 2007, p. 10)

Part II: Babylonian Stars

So far, we’ve seen that the distinction between tropical and sidereal was blurred for ancient agricultural societies. The phases of the fixed stars acted as relatively reliable sign posts of the tropical solar year. Even among tropicalists like Ptolemy, who were fully aware of precession, correlating the year to the phases of the fixed stars was viewed as valuable.

We saw that for the Mesopotamians there was a similar astrometeorological tradition of correlating the phases of the fixed stars to important points in the seasonal (tropical) year.

The MUL.APIN

The MUL.APIN is a very important source for the use of the fixed stars in early Babylonian astrology.  Through the MUL.APIN we gain much greater clarity as to the strong Babylonian relationship between the fixed stars and the tropical year.

Name

It is interesting in the context of our discussion of the relationship between agriculture and astronomy that the name MUL.APIN is itself a compound of MUL and APIN, the Sumerian words for “star” and “plough” respectively. The plough star is the first star mentioned in the work, identified with Enlil, and leading the stars in the path of Enlil.

Enlil was the chief deity of the Sumerians. Enlil is the god of wind, air, earth, and storms, but is also the patron of agriculture. One of the main symbols for his son, Ninurta, is the plough.

The plough star is actually a constellation that resembles a plough. The constellation is composed of our modern Triangulum, presumably the pough’s body, plus Gamma Andromedae, presumably its handle. The path which it leads, that of Enlil, is composed of the stars of northern declination, such that the Sun is in the path for the quarter of the year that is divided by the Summer Solstice.

The Sun’s journey through the path of Enlil is from approximately 45 days before the solstice until 45 days after it – the peak of the year. The Plough’s heliacal rising was much earlier in the year, in February, and marked the time to begin spring ploughing.

Dating

The oldest tablet fragments of the MUL.APIN date to the late 8th or early 7th century BCE. However, the composition for the original text has been assumed to be about 1,000 BCE or earlier. Additionally, work on dating the text according to the star lists in the work favors the view that it is based on observations that took place around 1,300 BCE, give or take 150 years (see De Jong, 2007).

Definitive Edition

A definitive new edition and translation of the MUL.APIN, with extensive commentary was published in 2018 by Hermann Hunger and John Steele. Their edition is highly recommended. As they say in their introduction, the MUL.APIN is arguably the most important work of Babylonian astronomy. It compiled a long-standing tradition and strongly influenced later developments.

“The text known as the MUL.APIN was the most widely copied work in the astral sciences written in ancient Mesopotamia. It was composed sometime before the end of the eighth century BC, and copies of it have been found at many sites throughout Assyria and Babylonia, dating from the late Neo-Assyrian (eighth to seventh century BC) down to the Seleucid (third to first century BC) periods. In addition to being widely copied, MUL.APIN was clearly read and used by scholars throughout these periods: it is one of only a few works of astral science identified by name in other cuneiform texts and provided the foundation for many later texts of what we term ‘schematic astronomy’. It is no exaggeration to say, therefore, that MUL.APIN was the most important work of Babylonian astronomy.” (Hunger and Steele, 2018, p. 1)

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Elements of Early Babylonian Astral Science

In their introduction, Hunger and Steele identify some of the significant feature of early Babylonian astronomy and astrology (astral science).

“…it is possible to identify several themes within early Babylonian astral science: the use of simple numerical schemes to model the variation of the length of day and night; the grouping of stars into three ‘paths’ associated with the gods Enlil, Anu, and Ea; the development of collections of celestial omens; and the use of the 360-day schematic calendar.” (Hunger and Steele, 2018, p.11)

The collections of celestial omens tend to be the focus of most treatments of Mesopotamian astrology. However, the models for the length of day, the groupings of the three paths of the stars, and the use of the 360-day schematic calendar also relate to the omens. Furthermore, these are the elements of Babylonian astrology that most strongly reveal the Babylonian preoccupation with the tropical year. For now, let’s take a look at the three paths of the stars, as well as some other special Babylonian collections of stars. Later, we’ll take a much closer look at the schematic calendar.

Three Paths of Stars

The MUL.APIN starts with a catalog of the stars (most of which are actually constellations) which will be used in the rest of the text, arranged into three lists. The stars/constellations in those three lists represent the full repertoire of stars of the text. The grouping of the stars into the three lists pertains to the paths of the gods Enlil, Anu, and Ea and is a very traditional Babylonian grouping.

“The grouping of stars into three categories, those of Enlil, Anu, and Ea, follows a tradition that can be traced back to at least the middle of the second millennium. A Middle Babylonian prayer to the gods of the night from Boghazkoi … contains a list of stars in order of their first appearances, followed by a reference to the stars of Ea, Anu, and Enlil.” (Hunger and Steele, 2018, p. 170-171)

The Sun’s Journey Across the Paths

As noted in the above quote, the phases of the stars (order of appearance) was related to the three paths since at least the middle of the second millennium. Additionally, by the time of the MUL.APIN, the Sun’s motion over the course of the year was also correlated with the three paths.

“The three groups of stars, those of Enlil, Anu, and Ea, can be associated with the three ‘paths’ (harranu) of Enlil, Anu, and Ea mentioned elsewhere in MUL.APIN (II Gap A 1 – II Gap A 7, which describes the Sun’s motion among the three paths over the course of the year …). The three paths also occur in celestial omens and occasionally in accounts of observations.” (Hunger and Steele, 2018, p. 171)

Declination

The path of the Sun over the course of the year (i.e. shape of the ecliptic) naturally corresponds to the paths of the stars due to the fact that three paths are based on declination. Declination pertains to the distance of an object north or south of the equator.

The Sun’s tropical cycle (i.e. shape of the ecliptic) is also a function of its distance north or south of the equator. Where the Sun (and hence ecliptic) crosses the equator is an equinox, while where the Sun (and hence ecliptic) reaches its greatest declination is a solstice. Therefore, a division of the stars based on bands of declination readily correlates with the Sun’s annual tropical cycle.

The tropical cycle defines the ecliptic with respect to the celestial equator while the sidereal cycle disregards the celestial equator. A division based on declination is a division which emphasizes the primacy of the celestial equator.

“The stars in the three paths fall roughly into three regions of declination: the Enlil stars to the north of about +17° declination, the Anu stars to between +17° and -17° declination, and the Ea stars to the south of about -17° declination.” (Hunger and Steele, 2018, p. 171)

 

Celestial Sphere with Ecliptic in Red

Paths and the Calendar

The MUL.APIN correlates a 360 day calendar (more on this in the next part) with the Sun’s motion across the three paths over the course of the year. The text also explicitly correlates the calendar with the length of day and night over the course of the year and the positions of the equinoxes and solstices. Therefore, the fixed stars, categorized by relative distance from the equator, are correlated with a calendar that takes into account the length of day, the equinox/solstice points, and solar declination. This illustrates the strong relationship between the stars and tropical solar year in early Babylonian astrology.

“The Babylonians divided the fixed stars into three groups: the stars of Anu, Enlil and Ea.’ To which group they belonged depended, for most of them, on where they rose on the Eastern horizon. The horizon was divided into the Paths of Anu, Enlil and Ea. The Path of Ea lies to the north, Anu is in the middle, and Enlil lies to the south. The boundaries between the Paths may be gleaned from the ideal calendar of Mul.apin II (Hunger and Pingree, Mul.apin p. 88 f), according to which the sun stands in:
— the Path of Anu from the 1st of Addaru (XII) to the 30th of Ajjaru
(II) (azimuth of the sun 290°-250°)
— the Path of Enlil from the 1st of Simanu (III) until the 30th of Abu
(V) (azimuth of the sun 250°-240°-250°)
— the Path of Anu from the 1st of Ululu (VI) to the 30th of Arahsamnu
(VIII) (azimuth of the sun 250°-290°)
— the Path of Ea from the 1st of Kislimu (IX) to the 30th of Sabatu (XI)
(azimuth of the sun 290°-300°-290°).” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p. 24)

The calendar is explored in more detail in the next part of this article.

Correlating Phases with Day Length Schemes

One notable and particularly striking feature of lists of approximate phases of fixed stars in the MUL.APIN is the inclusion of day and night lengths at the time that the phases occur. I provide an example below.

“On the 15th day of Month IV, the Arrow, the Snake, and the Lion become visible; 4 minas is the watch of the day, 2 minas is the watch of the night.” (MUL.APIN, I ii 42-43, Hunger and Steele trans., 2018, p. 137)

Note that passages like this correlate the phases of the fixed stars with the ideal 360 day calendar and the length of day at that point in the year. All of these things are approximate in the MUL.APIN. As noted, the MUL.APIN is not a parapegma. It expresses the phases of the stars in 5 day intervals of the idealized calendar, and it uses a rough scheme for figuring the length of day. A ‘mina’ is a weight measure, as the Babyonians are referring to the amount of water used by a water clock over the course of a day or night.

Equinox on an Idealized Full Moon

In the schematic calendar, one ideal is for the Full Moon to occur on the 15th of the month, as the Full Moon marks the 15th of each month in the normal civil Babylonian lunisolar calendar. For instance, the following passage expresses that the Full Moon on the 15th of the first month also marks the equinox, with the Moon in Libra, Sun in Aries, and day and night being equal.

“On the 15th day of Month I, the Moon stands in the evening within the Scales in the East, and the Sun in the West in front of the Stars behind the Hired Man. 3 minas is the watch of the day, 3 minas is the watch of the night.” (MUL.APIN, II i 19-21, Hunger and Steele trans., 2018, p. 145)

The Arrow and the Summer Solstice

Another list of stars from the first section of the MUL.APIN pertains to time intervals between two stars rising. It starts and ends with the star or constellation, the Arrow (Sirius, probably with some stars of Canis Major). In their commentary, Hunger and Steele note that the Arrow is used to start the list because its heliacal rising was correlated with the Summer Solstice.

“[…] the total number of days going around the circuit, from the Arrow to the Arrow again, is 360 days, as it should be in the schematic calendar. As discussed […], the Arrow’s first visibility is placed on the date of the summer solstice in the schematic calendar. This almost certainly explains why the list begins with the Arrow, rather than with the Hired Man, as in Section I ii 36 – I iii 12. The summer solstice, rather than the beginning of the year, was often taken as the beginning point of numerical schemes in other texts of schematic astronomy.” (Hunger and Steel,e 2018, p. 186)

Images and Markers

The 17-18 constellations in the Path of the Moon played a significant role in shaping the Babylonian zodiac. The influence is especially apparent in terms of the names of the signs and their imagistic associations. Aside from the use of the constellations in the Path of the Moon, certain bright stars (Normal Stars) in that path were used as markers for phenomena. Both the use of Normal Stars and the stars in the Path of the Moon are attested from at least the 8th century BCE.

Normal Stars

Observational positions of the Moon and planets were given by Babylonians with respect to the Normal Stars. The Normal Stars were 31 bright stars near the ecliptic. In Late Babylonian astrology such normal star positions could complement positions given from zodiacal ephemerides. However, Normal Star positions were often estimated, rather than measured, positions. Observations of planets relative to the Normal Stars are believed to have been used to establish the sidereal periods of planetary phenomena which made possible the ephemerides of Late Babylonian astrology.

The Diaries

To get some idea of the way that Normal Stars are used, please see some of the Babylonian “Diary” texts which recorded planetary positions at important points. The Diary texts are comprised of systematically recorded observations initiated during the reign of Nabonassar (747-734 BCE).

“The Diaries typically contain for each month: a statement of the length of the preceding month; the time interval between sunset and moonset on the first day of the month; time intervals between sun/moonrise/set in the middle of the month; the time interval between moonrise and sunrise on the morning of the moon’s last visibility; the dates on which the moon approached the various Normal Stars […] and the watch of the night which this occurred; and the date and description of lunar and solar eclipses. For the planets they record dates and position among the stars of first and last visibility, direct and retrograde motion and stationary points, and conjunctions with Normal Stars. The relation of the moon and planets to the Normal Stars is expressed in terms of ‘cubits’ (about 2.5°) or ‘fingers’ (about 5′) above (north), below (south), in front (west) and behind (east); but although the general sense of these statement is agreed, comparison with modern calculations suggests that the positions were often estimated rather than measured.” (Britton and Walker, Walker ed.,1997, p. 50)

Stars in the Path of the Moon

While Normal Stars were used for early positional reckoning in the sky, the constellations in the Path of the Moon were not. They make their first appearance around the same time and are noted in the MUL.APIN.

“The gods (var. stars) who stand in the path of the Moon, through whose region the Moon during a month passes repeatedly and keeps touching them: The Stars, the Bull of Heaven, the True Shepherd of Anu, the Old Man, the Crook, the Great Twins, the Crab, the Lion, the Furrow, the Scales, the Scorpion, Pabilsag, the Goat-Fish, the Great One, the Tails of the Swallow, Anunitu, and the Hired Man.” (MUL.APIN, I iv 31-37, Hunger and Steele trans., 2018, p. 143)

The MUL.APIN then continues to specify that the Sun, Jupiter, Venus, Mars, Mercury, and Saturn also travel that same path and that concludes the first part of the text.

Seventeen constellations appear to be mentioned, though the tails and the swallow are sometimes separated into two constellations (yielding eighteen) as the actual text is somewhat ambiguous. Hunger and Steele (2018) argue that evidence from the star lists of the MUL.APIN and from other uranology texts support the view that the Tails are part of the Swallow, rather than an eighteenth constellation.

The list begins with the “Stars” which is the Pleiades. They are first because the heliacal rising of the Pleiades was believed to roughly coincide with the start of the year. These stars in the Path of the Moon contain most of the later 12 zodiacal constellations, as well as pieces of the rest. For instance, the Pleiades and the Bull of Heaven combined to form the later final form of Taurus.

19 Zodiacal Constellations?

Various Uranology texts sometimes contained additional zodiacal constellations. There were at least 19 zodiacal constellations in total used by the Babylonians in their texts.

“Observational texts from the seventh century BC onwards include reports of the position of the moon and the planets relative to the zodiacal constellations or individual stars or small star groups within those constellations (e.g. the Front Star of the Head of the Hired Man). These texts add one further zodiacal constellation to the list of zodiacal constellations: the Chariot. Astrological texts from the same period attest to one further zodiacal constellation: the Field. Thus, at least nineteen zodiacal constellations were identified by the Babylonians (see also Ratzon, 2016).” (Steele, 2018, p. 98)

Naming Signs

When the regular zodiac arose in the 5th century BCE, one method of naming the signs pertained to constellations associated with the months those signs were correlated with. There are actually three means of naming the signs in early zodiacal texts. Either the month name was used, the number of the sign (starting with Aries as I), or the name of a constellation occurring in that sign.

As multiple constellations were initially associated with any given one sign, still over a hundred years after the advent of the regularized twelve sign zodiac, alternate names for signs based on constellations occurred. For instance, for some time, it was more common to refer to the sign Taurus as “the Stars” (Pleiades) rather than “the Bull” (Taurus).

“[…} the process of choosing which twelve constellations to use was not straight forward. Furthermore, it is clear that alternate names for some of the signs of the zodiac were still in use in the early third century BC, well over a hundred years after the zodiac was developed.” (Steele, 2018, p. 101-102)

Steele’s recent (2018) paper on the development of the zodiac explores the development of the constellation-based name for each sign in some depth, so I highly recommend it. This naming process provides the best evidence that the concept of the twelve signs actually preceded, rather than followed, the concept of twelve constellations spanning the ecliptic. Now, let’s turn to why we ended up with 12 signs in the first place.

Part III: From Calendar to Zodiac

The motivation for twelve signs comes from the Babylonian schematic calendar of 12 months of 30 days (360 days). It is the oldest attested calendar, originally used for accounting purposes. That calendar came to be the main calendar of Babylonian mathematical astronomy and astrology, associated with the phases of the fixed stars, tropical year phenomena, and certain types of omens. When constellations began to be correlated with months, a new system of measuring longitude arose based on the division of the ecliptic into twelve segments.

Emergence of the Zodiac

The twelve sign zodiac did not emerge until the 5th century BCE. It becomes most evident in the late 5th century BCE, with inklings of its use earlier in that century.

“The earliest direct evidence for the existence of the zodiac comes from fifth-century astronomical texts […] in which positions of the planets are cited with terminology used with respect to zodiacal signs as opposed to zodiacal constellations.” (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

“The phenomena computed in these texts can be dated with relative certainty to 475 B.C., although the writing of the tablets was certainly much later. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

Twelve from the Calendar

Scholars, since at least Isaac Newton’s time, have known that the division of the ecliptic into 12 signs and 360 degrees was due to the influence of the calendar.

“All nations, before the just length of the Solar year was known, reckoned months by the course of the moon, and years by the returns of winter and summer, spring and autumn and in making Calendars for their Festivals, they reckoned thirty days to a Lunar month, and twelve Lunar months to a year taking the nearest round numbers: whence came the division of the ecliptic into 360 degrees.” (Isaac Newton from “The Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms”, 1728, p. 71)

“It is generally agreed among historians of Babylonian astronomy that the concept of the zodiac as a uniform division of the band through which the sun, moon and planets move into twelve equal parts, each of which was further subdivided into 30° developed by analogy with the division of the schematic year into twelve months, each of which contains 30 days (Stephenson et al., 1995; Brack-Bernsen and Hunger, 1999; Brown, 2000; Steele, 2007; Britton, 2010).” (Steele, 2018, p. 100)

Aries and the Equinox

Additionally, the decision to start the zodiac with Aries was also based on the fact that the vernal equinox occurred in that corresponding constellation and pertained to the start of the Babylonian year.

“One can posit the following steps in the development of the zodiac, although it must be said that our knowledge of how the zodiac was first devised is provisional. The division of the schematic calendar into 12 months of 30 days each […] could be correlated with twelve constellations through which the sun was found to travel in one ideal “year” of twelve 30-day months. Because the spring equinox, which was always close to the beginning of the Babylonian year, was to occur in Nisannu (I.15 according to the tradition of MUL.APIN), then Nisannu, or month I, was when the sun was in the constellation Aries […]” (Rochberg, 2004, p. 129)

Multiple Constellations Per Sign

Leading up to the zodiac, there were constellations associated with months of the year.

“Progress towards the eventual system of zodiac signs is indicated by a Babylonian text of about the fifth century BC which lists the 12 months (ignoring the intercalary month) and their associated constellations, but assigns both Pleiades and Taurus to month II, both Orion and Gemini to month III and both Pegasus and Pisces to month XII. The final system of twelve zodiac signs of 30° first appears around the middle of the fifth century BC.” Britton and Walker, Walker ed., 1997, p. 49)

As noted above, even after the zodiac came into being multiple constellations were still associated with the signs for some time. This is evident from the fact that there were alternate names for signs based on the constellations found in those signs.

Calendar as Proto-Zodiac

These facts about the influence of the calendar on the zodiac have been known for some time, but are ill-understood by the public. Part of the confusion pertains to the 360 day calendar. Very little information is publicly available on the use of the 360 day calendar and the concept appears to be quite counter-intuitive. However, the 360 day calendar is fascinating and its study is essential to really understanding the motivation for a 12 sign regular zodiac.

The Lunisolar Calendar

Search for information on the Babylonian calendar and you will find information on their lunisolar calendar. This was the main calendar used in daily life. In that calendar, a new month begins with the first visibility of the Moon, which is about every 29.5 days on average. The months alternate as 29 and 30 days in length, yielding a year of 354 days.

Traditionally, the year starts with the new month near the equinox. Originally, it was the new month after the equinox, such that the equinox was associated with the full moon of the 15th of the last month (XII). By the time of the MUL.APIN, the year began with the new month preceding the equinox, so the equinox itself was associated with the Full Moon (15th of the month) of the first month. However, the actual location of the equinox would vary year-to-year within about 30 days of the start of the year. As this calendar is 354 days long, it required that an extra month be inserted (intercalated) about once every three years to put it back in line with the solar year.

Lunisolar Approximation?

The lunisolar calendar is attested since at least the late 3rd millennium BCE. Many (for instance, Newton in the quote above, as well as Lis Brack-Bernsen) believe it was in use even prior to the schematic 360 day calendar. Still, the schematic calendar is the first attested calendar by far. The belief that the 360 day calendar arose because of the lunar calendar is a position based on reasonable presumptions rather than textual evidence. It is presumed that a year of 12 months of 30 days came about as an approximation of the lunisolar calendar, and thus was derived from it.

Hebrew Calendar

The Hebrew calendar was borrowed from the Babylonians (during their 6th century BCE captivity). For this reason, we still see the use of the Babylonian lunisolar calendar (with some adaptations) in the Jewish tradition. For instance, Passover typically falls on the 15th of the first month of the year in the Hebrew calendar, as New Moon prior to the Vernal Equinox typically starts the year (1st) and the Full Moon would fall on the 15th.

I recommend taking a look at the Hebrew calendar to get a feel for the way the Babylonian lunisolar calendar would function. Similar calendars are also still used in some other Middle Eastern societies.

The 360 Day Calendar Emerges

In contrast to the lunisolar calendar, information regarding the 360 day calendar is relatively hard to come by. This is despite the fact that the first attested calendar in written records is the 360 day calendar, 360 day calendars were actually quite widespread, and the 360 day calendar was the most important calendar for Babylonian astrology and astronomy.

A very good source of information on the historical Babylonian use of the 360 day calendar is Lis Brack-Bernsen’s “The 360-Day Year in Mesopotamia” found in the 2007 “Calendars and Years” edited by John M. Steele.

The calendar may variously be referred to as the schematic calendar, ideal calendar, or administrative calendar.

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Early Origins

Evidence for the 360 day year is actually found in the preliterate early logographic accounting texts of Uruk from the late 4th millennium BCE. This makes the 360 day calendar the first textually attested calendar. 

“Archaic texts from Uruk (3200 BC-3000 BC) concern centralized bookkeeping. They document the same artificial diffusion of the year into 12 months of 30 days each that we know from later periods.” (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2534)

Both it and the lunisolar calendar were used by the peoples of the region, sometimes together in the same texts, from the Old Babylonian period to about the common era. However, as I’ve noted, the lunisolar calendar is not attested prior to about the mid-3rd millennium BCE.

“We conclude that the continuous and parallel use of the two calendar[s] has been shown all way through from 2600 BC to 2100 BC, while in the archaic texts, only the administrative calendar is clearly demonstrated.” (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2566)

The 360 Day Calendar in Odd Places

Likely due to diffusion, many ancient societies of Eurasia used such a 360 day calendar, including but not limited to the Old Persian calendar, original Egyptian calendar, and a scheme found in the Indian Rig Veda. More fascinating is its independent occurrence in Mesoamerica. It also appears to have influenced the concept of prophetic timing in the Biblical tradition.

Mesoamerica

Mesoamericans came to the progression of agriculture, cities, writing, and astrology much later and wholly independently. Interestingly, they also developed a 360 day calendar.

A tun was an approximation to the true solar year and so 18 twenty-day intervals, rather than 20, were built into the sequence. The Maya chose to use 360 instead of 365, and their reason most likely was the numerological usefulness of 360. It can be divided and manipulated in many ways.” (Krupp, 1983, p. 186)

The Prophetic Year

One of the more fascinating uses of the 360 day calendar pertains to Biblical prophecy. The prophetic year is typically defined as a 360 day year, a 360 year period, or a 360 year period of 360 day years. Its use is implied by passages in the Book of Genesis (7:11, 7:24, 8:4), the Book of Daniel (7:25, 9:27, 12:7), as well as the New Testament’s Book of Revelation (11:2, 11:3, 12:6, 12:14, 13:5). The prophetic year concerns the duration or timing for some event foreseen by a prophet to take place

Abraham and Zodiacal Releasing

The use of the 360 day year in the context of Jewish prophecy is interesting, as it relates to a Hellenistic astrological technique attributed to an astrologer named Abraham. Vettius Valens (2nd century CE) presented a timing technique (today called zodiacal releasing) which he attributed to an astrologer Abraham. The use of the name Abraham implies an astrologer of Jewish heritage. This technique did not use the typical 365.25 day year of the Alexandrian calendar which Valens used for most other techniques. Rather, it used a year of 360 days. Therefore, zodiacal releasing may represent an instance of the prophetic year in use.

Valens also used a 360 day year for another technique called decennials. I do not know of a Jewish connection to that technique.

Note on Conspiracy Theories

Some conspiracy theorists speculate that such 360 day calendars may have accurately reflected a solar year that was actually 360 days in length. However, the year has only been slowing by about 2 milliseconds per century (1 second every 50,000 years), so that hypothesis is not sound.

Isaac Newton appears to have captured the main motivation: to have a nice round number to work with. 360 is divisible by many numbers and is an ideal year to use for accounting and administration. However, it is also interesting that the actual mean between the lunar year of 12 Moons and the solar tropical year is about 359.8 days, making 360 days the mean lunisolar year within a fifth of a day.

Babylonian Use of the 360 Day Calendar

As I noted, the 360 day calendar was originally used for centralized state accounting. Later, it was still used for accounting and in scribal education (i.e. in mathematics). However, in later periods it is less attested for accounting after it becomes more associated with astronomy and astrology.

“Analysis of Ur III work rates, Old Babylonian coefficient lists, and Old Babylonian mathematical texts have thus shown that accounting practices involving the artificial year of 12 x 30 days in either administrative or scribal training contexts are found throughout the time from Ur III to the Old Babylonian period. And from this time onwards, we have evidence for the utilization of the artificial 360-day year in “astronomical” texts”.” (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2682)

Initial Astronomical Use

The schematic calendar became associated with astronomical regularities in the Old Babylonian period. This is the period of the early 2nd millennium BCE (20th to 16th centuries BCE). Already by the Old Babylonian period, the schematic calendar was also associated with day length schemes and the positions of the equinoxes and solstices.

“Already during Old Babylonian times, the schematic year of 12 months of 30 days was used for recording astronomical regularities. The Old Babylonian text BM 17175+17284 contains a scheme that connects day length and season (time within the year). The text places solstices and equinoxes on the 15th of Months XII, III, VI, and IX and the day length varies linearly between 2 minas and 4 minas.” (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2682)

An Ideal Calendar

The 360 day calendar is sometimes called the ideal calendar. It was indeed conceived as reflecting the ideal. When nature conformed to the schematic calendar it was viewed as a positive portent.

“In the astronomical/astrological compendia Enūma Anu Enlil tablet XIV and MUL.APIN, a so-called “ideal” or “schematic” year of 12 x 30 days is used. Omen texts, letters and reports show that it was interpreted as a good omen when a new month started on day 1 […]. Obviously, it was taken as a good sign when nature behaved as the “ideal” 360-day year and a bad sign when nature deviated from the “ideal calendar”. […[ the “ideal calendar just is a continuation of the artificial year of accounting.” (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2598)

Also recall what I noted above about the 15th day of the month of the ideal calendar’s association with the Full Moon. The Full Moon is the 15th in the lunisolar calendar, so ideally the equinoxes and solstices would occur on the Full Moons of their associated months.

Calendar Omens

The 360 day calendar was used in relation to many omens pertaining to specific days of the year. Some omens that were originally associated with calendar dates in the ideal calendar even became associated with zodiacal degrees in later zodiacal texts.

“The two texts have an older parallel in STT 11 300, 2 which assigns the under-takings and incantations to calendar dates and does not refer to the zodiac. In STT II 300 the passage parallel to those quoted above is (STT II 300 r12): “Sabatu 10th period of ‘A woman should not look [at a man]'”. As was the case with the Gestirn-Darstellung texts, the transmission from calendar dates to degrees of zodiacal signs is quite automatic. In the ideal calendar, the sun is in Aquarius 10° on the 10th day of the 11th month — not the moon.” (Koch-Westenholz, 1995, p. 170)

Length of Day

Earlier in this article, I cited some examples from the MUL.APIN which correlate dates in the schematic calendar with day lengths and the phases of the fixed stars. I also noted that this association between the calendar, day lengths, phases of the fixed stars, and equinoxes goes back to the Old Babylonian period.

The length of day and night is a function of the ecliptic-equator relationship. It is a defining feature of the tropical year. Therefore, the 360 day calendar became associated with the features of the tropical year from an early period.

Influence on Mathematical Astronomy

The day length schemes associated with the calendar also played a major role in some later developments in mathematical astronomy.

“The Late Babylonian procedure text TU11 testifies to many more astronomical quantities derived from the length of day or night. We see that the ideal year was utilized heavily in the early formation of numerical astronomical theory.”  (Brack-Bernsen, Steele ed., 2007, Loc. 2625)

Part IV: Babylonian Zodiac Mechanics

We’ve seen how the 12 month schematic calendar served as a type of proto-zodiac. It served to connect the phases of the fixed stars with features of the tropical year such as the solistices and variation in length of day. The calendar was associated with all facets of Babylonian astrology from omen lore to later mathematical development. The regularization of the zodiac, the use of 12 signs of 30 degrees, and the use of Aries as the starting sign of the zodiac are among the features inherited from the calendrical proto-zodiac.

Some major questions remain. Did the Babylonians have a sense of precession? Did they know a distinction between tropical and sidereal cycles? Additionally, how did Babylonian longitudes work in practice? Do we know the original reference stars?

Calendar Shift

Unlike the Greek, the Babylonians did not have a geometrical sense of the ecliptic, nor did they have a desire to start the zodiac with the equinox. As noted above, some schematic arrangements began with the solstice, but the calendar had placed equinoxes and solstices in the middle of months. First, the Vernal Equinox was placed in the middle of month XII, then later in the middle of month I. The reasons for the shift pertain to the way they wanted to conceive of their ideal calendar, not due to precession.  Precession actually shifts the equinox earlier relative to the stars, not later.

The schematic calendar was only 360 days. Being over 5 days short of the true year, it would itself require intercalation about every 6 years. Therefore, its figures were truly ideals, rather than annual constants. The simple fact that the Babylonian regular zodiac came about shows that the Babylonians thought it possible to correlate the stars and constellations with an idealized tropical calendar. This argues for a lack of knowledge of precession. If they had suspected a clear distinction between tropical and sidereal cycles then the early history of the zodiac would surely look different. The zodiac represents an attempt move the ideal calendar onto the Sun’s ecliptic path of the stars, a more stable basis of measure than the shifting count of days. 360 days became 360 degrees.

Equinox at 8 or 10 Aries

Two systems for computing planetary phenomena and zodiacal longitude arose in Babylonian astral science with the advent of the zodiac. Both were used until the end of the Babylonian astral period and beyond. In System A the Vernal Equinox is said to occur at 10º Aries while in System B it occurs at 8° Aries. Presumably, this difference in the placement of the equinox occurred due to use of a different reference star as a starting point, but we can’t be sure. Early Hellenistic sources (e.g. Geminos and Thrasyllus) noted an 8° Aries equinox suggesting it was the more widespread conception in the latter period.

“We do not know what chronological relation existed between these two norms and what caused the difference. We have no evidence from Babylonian sources about a recognition of precession and we have no reason to assume that the difference of zero points in System A and B had anything to do with it, knowingly or unknowingly.” (Neugebauer, 2012, p. 368-369)

Reference Star Issues

Today, we are used to thinking of the tropical and sidereal zodiacs as being distinguished by the reference point used. If a reference star is used then it is a sidereal zodiac, while if the point of the equinox is used then it is a tropical zodiac. As ancient ephemerides (from about 3rd century BCE on) were by and large sidereal, it may come as a surprise that it took some detective work to find any specific reference star(s) which were originally used.

Ephemerides were often generated from past ephemerides using period functions that were sidereal and synodic. These mathematical periods were based on observed repeated planetary phenomena relative to the stars (sidereal) and other planets (synodic).  While there were Normal Star texts expressing rough planetary position relative to stars near the ecliptic, positions in the zodiac were calculated rather than observed.

No Known Reference Star?

In Francesca Rochberg’s 2004 book, “The Heavenly Writing”, she expressed that the reference star is unknown.

“More precisely, however, we still cannot establish the star that originally served as norming point for the ecliptic. Even were we to assume the vernal point was determined correctly when it was assigned to 10° then 8° Aries, the corresponding dates of these zodiacal norming points cannot be pinpointed, as we do not sufficiently understand the ancient methods to obtain those values. Comparison against modern values for the longitudes of equinoxes is therefore uninformative for this purpose.” (Rochberg, 2004, p. 133)

However, Rochberg was apparently not aware of the latest scholarship in that area when she wrote that. Scholars have since discovered that a few reference stars were indeed used in the early period.

The Reference Stars

Three referential boundary stars have been noted in recent years. Boundary stars would’ve been the most important early references for the Babylonian zodiac. Additionally, some early zodiacal texts gave the positions of Normal Stars in the zodiac which allows other Normal Stars to be used as references as well. For instance, one could say that a given Normal Star was in the 2nd degree of Sagittarius, and thus we’d know that the Sagittarius started about 2 degrees earlier.

“It was assumed that the boundaries of the zodiacal signs either coincided with (in the case of the Southern Rein of the Chariot (ζ Tau), the Rear Twin star (β Gem), and the Rear Star of the Goat-fish (δ Cap), which were taken to mark the beginning of Gemini, Cancer, and
Aquarius respectively) or at known distances in front of or behind a Normal Star (Huber, 1958; Jones, 2004). This link between the beginning of zodiacal signs and the location of stars indicates that the Babylonian zodiac was sidereal and therefore slips relative to our tropical zodiac over time, a conclusion confirmed through analysis of comparisons of Babylonian zodiacal positions with modern computation (Huber, 1958; Steele and Gray, 2007; Britton, 2010). Two star catalogues are known which give the positions of the Normal Stars within the signs of the zodiac (Roughton, Steele and Walker, 2004).” (Steele, 2018, p. 99)

End of the Preceding Modern Constellations

Beta Geminorum, aka Pollux, is found to have indicated the starting border of Cancer. It was also found that Zeta Tauri (Tianguan) and Delta Capricorni (Deneb Algedi) also marked the start of Gemini and Aquarius respectively. Interestingly, all those stars are part of the modern constellations just preceding the corresponding one from which Babylonian signs were named. In other words, a star in at the end of the constellation Taurus marked the start of the Babylonian sign Gemini, while one at the end of Capricorn marked the start of the sign Aquarius.

Ayanamsha of the Babylonian Zodiac

The approximate modern tropical longitudes of the three stars noted are about 25 3′ Gemini for zeta Tauri, 23°28’30” for beta Gemini, and 23°49′ for delta Capricorn. As beta Gemini and delta Capricorn agree with each other pretty closely (within about 21′), and beta Gemini is a very bright star said to mark the start of Cancer, I’ll be focusing on that one. We will work toward establishing an ayanamsha for the Babylonian zodiac that is consistent with scholarly findings.

“The sidereal zodiac appears to have been fixed so that the longitude of the bright star β Gemini was 90°. Consequently, the equinoxes and solstices occurred at about 10° of their respective signs in 500 BC, an amount which decreases due to precession by 1.4° per century or to roughly 5° by 150 BC.” (Britton and Walker, Walker ed., 1997, p. 49-50)

When The Zodiacs Coincided

Given the current position of Pollux, the ayanamsha is 23°28’30” for the Babylonian zodiac.  At the rate of precession of a degree every 71.57 years, this would mean the zodiacs coincided about 1,680 years ago (23.475*71.57), i.e. about 339 CE. This would also mean that tropical and sidereal longitudes would have differed by about 2 degrees in Valens’s time. That is relatively consistent with the differences found by pulling up Valens’s chart in the tropical zodiac vs. the (sidereally-derived) positions he gave in his text. See my article where I do just that.

The equinox would have been at about 10° Aries in the 4th, rather than 5th century (not 500 BC as noted by Britton and Walker). Still, Babylonian equinox calculations at that time were not precise, being based on gnomon and water clock. I have noted some of the issues with that sort of equinox calculation in my article on the age of the tropical zodiac. An error of a couple of days would not have been unreasonable. It was Hipparchus (2nd century BCE) who found a means of precisely locating the equinox.

Equinox

Rochberg’s insistence on the inability to pinpoint a reference star and the fact that she refers to both stars and the equinox at different times as norming points can leave one very confused. Due to precession, the equinox and the stars cannot both be used as norming points without one running into some issues. One or the other will accumulate error and cease to be the norming point.

Similarly, one may wonder why the position of the equinox was said to be at 8 or 10 Aries for the whole of the use of the Babylonian zodiac. The Babylonians initially calculated the equinox on the basis of gnomon and water clocks which is not truly accurate for reasons discussed in that article. However, in the later period, rather than finding the equinox, it was calculated. For this reason, there doesn’t appear to have been any awareness that the equinox had shifted from its supposed position in the zodiac.

“The dates of solstices and equinoxes and of the heliacal rising of Sirius are recorded, but analysis has shown that at least during the Seleucid period (311 BC onwards) these are calculated, not observed.” (Britton and Walker, Walker ed., 1997, p. 50)

Ephemerides and Related Texts

Babylonian zodiacal positions were in time calculated rather than observed. The Babylonians did not have a clear geometric concept of the ecliptic, nor a geometric theory of planetary motion (unlike the Greeks). Babylonian ephemerides consisted of mathematical procedures for finding positions and timing other phenomena based on assemblages of functions which scholars term the “theory” for each planetary body.

“The theories are expressed in three classes of texts: ephemerides, which tabulate the functions necessary to compute the phenomenon in question for successive phenomena; procedure texts, which describe in compressed fashion the procedures for calculating each function; and auxiliary texts, which tabulate functions which relate to but do not figure directly in the computation of ephemerides.” (Britton and Walker, Walker ed., 1997, p. 49-50)

Accuracy

Babylonian planetary theory was not perfect. There was some degree of error and may have even been some slight zodiacal drift relative to the reference stars due to accumulated error.

“Kugler had already found that the Babylonian ephemerides were based on sidereal longitudes such that their “[Aries]0°” around -120 had a tropical longitude of about -4;36°. A very careful investigation of additional material by P. Huber showed that in about -100 the relation

λBab – λmod = 4;28±0;20°

holds. […] That the vernal point maintained in each of the two systems a fixed sidereal longitude indicates clearly that precession was unknown.” (Neugebauer, 2012, p. 369)

Accumulated Error

There are two things to note. First, difference of 4 1/2 degrees between the zodiacs in the year 100 BCE, would imply that the coincided near 220 CE (about 100 years earlier than what we found). The ayanamsha suggested by the ephemerides is also closer to 25°8′, about a degree and a half from that based on beta Gemini (Pollux) as 0 Cancer. Secondly, also note that there was about 20′ of variation on either side (total 40′ of variation among ephemerides). From these two facts we can surmise that the Babylonian zodiacal procedures were not precise. There was some zodiacal drift as well as some variation in Babylonian sidereal longitudes owing to error.

Conclusion

The tropical/sidereal distinction was not a clear one prior to the widespread knowledge of precession of the equinoxes. For the Babylonians, the stars and the ideal contours of the tropical year were correlated.

Why the Babylonians placed the equinox at 10 or 8 degrees of the Hired Man (Aries) is uncertain. Perhaps they had a specific reference star in mind. It is equally possible that they decided that they wanted the zodiac to have the equinox at 10 Aries and derived their reference stars based on their estimate for the location of the equinox. In either case, ephemerides were generated based on periods recorded with respect to bright stars near the ecliptic. In this way, longitudes remained relatively sidereally fixed while the assumed position of the equinox became increasingly erroneous.

Luni-Solar

Lunar phases, lunar proximity to stars and constellations, the solar cycle with its variations of day length and solar declination, and the phases of the fixed stars with respect to the Sun were all important means of measuring time and tracking omens.

The most sidereal elements pertained to the indication of location in the sky (particularly of the Moon) relative to certain ecliptic stars and to the constellations in the Path of the Moon.

The most tropical elements pertained to the division of the stars based on declination and the coordination of the phases of the stars with solar declination and variation in length of daylight through the idealized 360 day calendar.

The regularized 12 sign zodiac represents a synthesis of the “lunar” and sidereal constellations in the Path of the Moon with the “solar” and tropical 360 day calendar with 12 months of 30 days.

Hellenistic Astrology

Hellenistic astrology was not a continuation of the Babylonian tradition of astrology. It also was not a simple continuation of the tropical tradition of the Greek astronomers. Hellenistic astrology was a novel synthesis of elements from Babylonian, Egyptian, and Greek traditions while adding a number of new concepts.

The regularized zodiac is one of the key features of the system which owes a considerable debt to Late Babylonian astrology. The Hellenistic zodiac was not exactly the Babylonian one but fused some elements of the Babylonian with the Greek.

The zodiac in early Hellenistic astrology had both tropical and sidereal associations due to a lack of widespread knowledge of precession. The most common ephemerides were sidereally fixed. Evidently, astrologers thought they were tropically fixed as well.

Opinion

My opinion is that the 12 sign regular zodiac was inspired by the regularity and symmetry of the tropical year. I believe the Greek astronomers had symmetry foremost in mind. They immediately set about setting the 0 point of the zodiac to coincide with the equinox. Therefore, I’m of the opinion that the tropical zodiac is of the calendrical spirit of the Babylonian zodiac. I also find the symmetries of the Greek version of that zodiac (starting at the equinox) to most logically and elegantly capture the Sun-Earth relationship. The ecliptic is what is being measured and its shape is defined by that Sun-Earth relationship.

Still, the zodiac clearly had both sidereal and tropical motivations and associations. Therefore, the choice of zodiac must ultimately come down to practical effectiveness rather than appeal to history. As astrology is a symbolic language of divination, there is room enough for two zodiacs used in somewhat different ways. I have found the tropical zodiac to be effective in my astrological work which is heavily informed by Hellenistic astrology. Yet, I’ve also had readings by Jyotish practitioners using the sidereal zodiac which were extremely insightful.

Signs and Stars

While overall I feel that the 12 sign regularized zodiac is suited for tropical orientation, I also see strong potential for the direct use of stars and constellations. Similarly, the sidereal zodiac can be used as a short-hand for positioning relative to stars and constellations. However, what I feel is often lacking today in astrology is that aspect of the zodiac which I called “lunar”, pertaining to observed phenomena relative to the stars themselves. Constellational zodiacs fit that bill.

Evidence for the use of constellations together with the regular zodiac abounds in Hellenisticl texts. For some examples, see “Greek Horoscopes” by Neugebauer and Van Hoesen. Many example charts show the use of constellations (namely parans) as indicating additional important information. For instance, in one katarchic example (p. 145), the constellation Ophiucus is used. The fact that Ophiucus (Asclepius/Hygeia) rose with the Moon is used as an indication of the involvement of medicine. I see in such examples potentially untapped symbolism within the Hellenistic system. I’d like to see renewed astrological interest in the constellations and their associations.

Further Reading

Over the last year or so, I have written a number of articles on the zodiac. For those interested in some of the puzzling issues that come up in early Hellenistic texts, I recommend reading the article on planetary days. In that article, I explored the birth chart of Vettius Valens, as well as why he is suspected to have used sidereal ephemerides. Additionally, in an article on length of life techniques, I touched on the use of symmetrical rising times in Manilius and Valens.

In terms of zodiacal history, I recommend reading the article on the early Greek use of the tropical zodiac. In that article, I trace how an explicit and conscious tropical orientation for the zodiac is linked with the master Greek astronomers and their geometric emphasis.

When it comes to choosing a zodiac for Hellenistic astrological work, I provided my own rationale for using the tropical zodiac for such work. That article is called Why Use the Tropical Zodiac? and uses a number of chart examples. Additionally, I touched on how some of the sign qualities correlate with the tropical cycle in the lesson on the signs of the zodiac.

Scholarly Resources

Those looking to dig a little deeper into the scholarly resources can find some great places to start in the References to this article. A great short recent article to start with is John Steele’s 2018 “THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE BABYLONIAN ZODIAC: SOME PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS“. The PDF of that article is available for free in full online (follow linked title). That and the other academic references here provide additional references of their own which are worthy of your attention.

References

De Jong, T. (2007). Astronomical dating of the rising star list in MUL.APIN. Wiener Zeitschrift Für Die Kunde Des Morgenlandes,97, 107-120. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23861410

Diamond, J. M. (1997). Guns, Germs and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies.

Hesiod, & Evelyn-White, H. G. (1914). Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=gYBiAAAAMAAJ

Hunger, H., & Steele, J. (2018). The Babylonian Astronomical Compendium MUL.APIN.

Koch, U. S., & Institut, C. N. (1995). Mesopotamian Astrology: An Introduction to Babylonian and Assyrian Celestial Divination. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=8QiwAqGlmAQC

Krupp, E. C. (1983). Echoes of the ancient skies: the astronomy of lost civilizations.

Lehoux, D. (2007). Astronomy, Weather, and Calendars in the Ancient World: Parapegmata and Related Texts in Classical and Near-Eastern Societies.

Neugebauer, O., & Van Hoesen, H. B. (1987). Greek Horoscopes. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=kEgnLpm06zQC

Neugebauer, O. (2012). A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy. Springer Berlin Heidelberg. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=6tkqBAAAQBAJ

Newton, I., Tonson, J., Conduitt, J., & Longman, T. (1728). The Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms Amended: To which is Prefix’d, A Short Chronicle from the First Memory of Things in Europe, to the Conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=i4lbAAAAcAAJ

Rochberg, F. (2004). The Heavenly Writing: Divination, Horoscopy, and Astronomy in Mesopotamian Culture.

Rhoades, J. (1891). The Georgics of Virgil. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=hqQNAAAAIAAJ

Steele, J. M. (2007). Calendars and Years: Astronomy and Time in the Ancient Near East. Locations cited are from Kindle Edition.

Steele, J. (2018). THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE BABYLONIAN ZODIAC: SOME PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry18(4), 97-105.

Walker, C. B. F. (1997). Astronomy Before the Telescope. St. Martin’s Press.

Image Attributions

Featured image by Prioryman [CC BY-SA 4.0], via Wikimedia Commons
Mesopotamia map image by Goran tek-en [CC BY-SA 4.0], via Wikimedia Commons

Rebus IBM image is in the public domain.

Map showing Babylonia and Assyria c. 1450 BCE is in the public domain.

Photo of artifact portraying Nisaba by Osama Shukir Muhammed Amin FRCP(Glasg) [CC BY-SA 4.0], via Wikimedia Commons

Image of Celestial Sphere by Tfr000 (talk) 15:34, 15 June 2012 (UTC) [CC BY-SA 3.0], via Wikimedia Commons

How Old is the Tropical Zodiac?

Introduction

The original regular twelve-sign zodiac was a Babylonian invention. It was strongly shaped by both the tropical year of 12 lunar months, each roughly 30 days in length, as well as the stars, namely their constellations and the planetary periods relative to them. That zodiac was intended to be both tropical and sidereal; to correspond with both the seasonal year and the stars.

That was prior to the 2nd century BCE discovery by Hipparchus of precession, the slow shifting of the tropical year relative to the stars. That discovery was not widely known until many centuries later, after Ptolemy’s popularization of it (2nd century CE). Ptolemy’s advocacy for the tropical zodiac on the basis of precession did much for its widespread adoption by astrologers. However, the origins of the tropical zodiac predate Ptolemy, and even Hipparchus, by hundreds of years.

Two Emerge from One

Today, astrologers using a regular 12 sign zodiac must choose between the tropical zodiac and the sidereal zodiac. The tropical zodiac is fixed with respect to the Sun-Earth annual cycle, and is more popular in the west. The sidereal zodiac is fixed with respect to the stars and is more popular in Indian astrology. Both are valid symbolic divisions of the ecliptic in the context of their respective traditions. Neither zodiac corresponds to the constellations themselves which are greatly unequal in size with no clear borders or starting point.

The astrological prominence of the tropical zodiac in the west is strongly linked to Ptolemy. For this reason, it is often assumed that the tropical zodiac originated with Ptolemy (2nd century CE). Alternatively, people assume it started with the discovery of precession by Hipparchus (2nd century BCE). The truth is much more interesting. The tropical zodiac is nearly as old as the regular Babylonian zodiac itself. In fact, it was the standard zodiac of ancient Greek astronomy.

Early 5th Century BCE: Emergence of Twelve Signs

Historian of science, Francesca Rochberg, has asserted that the earliest direct evidence of the regular twelve sign zodiac is from Mesopotamia in the middle of the 5th century BCE.

The earliest direct evidence for the existence of the zodiac comes from fifth-century astronomical texts […] in which positions of the planets are cited with terminology used with respect to zodiacal signs as opposed to zodiacal constellations. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

Rochberg noted that there is also some indirect evidence for the use of regular zodiacal signs earlier, in the early 5th century BCE.

The phenomena computed in these texts can be dated with relative certainty to 475 B.C., although the writing of the tablets was certainly much later. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

Calendrical Influence

The calendrical origins of the Babylonian zodiac will be the subject of another article. However, you should know that the nature of the regular Babylonian zodiac was strongly shaped by a sense of an ideal annual solar calendar. There are 12 lunar months in a year and each lunar month has about 30 days (29.5). This is the origin of 12 signs of 360 degrees. The Babylonians even ensured that the sign corresponding with the month of the vernal equinox, which had been their first month, was the first sign (The Hired Man, corresponding to our Aries).

Constellations + Calendar

It is a myth that the 12 sign zodiac was shaped by a long standing use of a 12 constellation zodiac. The 12 constellation zodiac emerges close in time to the regularized 12 sign one and due to similar calendrical influences. The Babylonian tradition included a constellational zodiac of 18 constellations (sometimes condensed to 17). As the constellations became correlated with months, these constellations started to become grouped and condensed. The eventual 12 constellation Babylonian zodiac was very similar to, but not identical with, the one with which we are familiar today.

Progress towards the eventual system of zodiac signs is indicated by a Babylonian text of about the fifth century BC which lists the 12 months (ignoring the intercalary month) and their associated constellations, but assigns both Pleiades and Taurus to month II, both Orion and Gemini to month III and both Pegasus and Pisces to month XII. The final system of twelve zodiac signs of 30° first appears around the middle of the fifth century BC. (John Britton & Christopher Walker, Walker ed., 1996, p. 49)

The Twelve Constellations

The Greeks adapted the constellational zodiac (and the regularized zodiac as we’ll see) in their own way. The twelve zodiacal constellations familiar today are those of the ancient Greeks. Following Eudoxus (4th century BCE) and others, they were linked up with Greek myths and popularized. Perhaps the most famous expression of this was The Phaenomena by Aratus (3rd century BCE), which became one of the most popular texts of the ancient world.

[…] the question of Babylonian influence again arises. This is even more certain in another astronomical work of Eudoxus, a description of the heavens, as visible in Greece, in which he grouped all the fixed stars into the constellations which are still in use today. This work is a combination of traditional Greek nomenclature and mythology with Babylonian elements (most obviously in the twelve constellations of the zodiac). (G. J. Toomer, Walker ed., 1996, p. 73)

Antiquity of the Tropical Zodiac

As noted, the first indirect evidence for the regularized Babylonian zodiac is from the early 5th century BCE. Indirect evidence for an explicitly tropical Greek zodiac emerges soon after, in the same century. According to renowned historian of science Otto Neugebauer, the tropical zodiac starting at the vernal equinox was the standard among the old Greek astronomers. There is evidence for it all the way back to Euctemon in the late 5th century BCE.

We know from Hipparchus that the majority of the “old” mathematicians divided the ecliptic in this form. This statement agrees with sources still available to us; Euctemon (about -430) placed all four cardinal points on the “first day” of the respective signs. The same norm holds for Callippus (about -330) and is underlying the era of Dionysius (beginning -284/3). As far as we know this norm is attested nowhere in Babylonian astronomy. (Neugebauer, 2012, p. 600)

Euctemon and the Equinox

I mentioned that there is evidence of the tropical zodiac going back to Euctemon in the 5th century BCE. Euctemon may have fixed the zodiac relative to the cardinal points, but he still struggled with actually finding the equinox. He calculated the lengths of the seasons as 90, 90, 92, and 93 days (starting with summer) which is quite inaccurate. About a hundred years later, Callipus found the correct figures to within the nearest day (92, 89, 90, 94). A couple hundred years after Callipus, Hipparchus found even more precise figures.

The Trouble with Equinoxes

The idea of equinox is quite simple. Nights are long in winter, days are long in summer; somewhere in between they will be equal. But not exactly halfway in between: the solstices alone show that the sun does not move at a constant speed round the ecliptic. If it did, the time from summer solstice to winter solstice would be equal to the time from winter solstice to summer solstice, and Euctemon made these times 180 days and 185 days, respectively. How could he find the date of equinox? Not directly, by the length of daylight, because refraction makes the sun seem to be on the horizon when it is really below it. A better way is to find when the sun sets due west, though this, of course, will give the equinox only to the nearest day. Later, about 150 B.C., Hipparchus invented an ingenious device for finding the equinox quite accurately.   (Thurston, 1994, p. 112)

Once the equinox points had been found, the Greeks had an alternative way of placing the signs of the zodiac on the ecliptic, using the equinoxes instead of the stars as reference points. (Thurston, 1994, p. 112)

The Sophistication of Hipparchus

In the last section, I mentioned a quote about a device invented by Hipparchus to find the equinox accurately. This device involved a thin metal ring which was set up parallel to the plane of the equator. At the time of the equinox, the shadow of one half the ring would fall on the other half. It is probably the use of that device which allowed him to discover precession.

Interestingly, issues with finding the equinox persisted into the Middle Ages due to its importance in setting the date of Easter. It seems that in many ways Europe in the early Middle Ages was less technologically and astronomically sophisticated than Hipparchus with his device.

We find a similar situation with the Antikythera mechanism, a much more complex ancient device. The Antikythera mechanism (revisited below) was an advanced computing technology beyond the capabilities of the following Middle Ages. The mechanism relied heavily upon the work of Hipparchus and is estimated to have been built just a few decades after his death. It could model planetary motions through the tropical zodiac, as well as a range of other astronomical and calendrical events.

No, Really, Finding the Equinox is Not so Simple

My experience is that people today have a hard time grasping why it would be difficult to find the equinox. I myself was a little skeptical of the idea until I had done some research into archaeoastronomy, the history of astronomy, and the history of the calendar. Scholars in all three areas highlight the importance of the challenge of finding the equinox. That challenge is central not only to understanding the origins of the zodiac in antiquity, but also to understanding the Gregorian calendar reforms of the 16th century.

Archaeoastronomer, Clive Ruggles, has pointed out that the idea of the equinox was relatively easy for the Greek astronomers to conceptualize as they were developing geometrical models. It is similar for people in our time who are quite familiar with geometry. However, for those unfamiliar with Greek geometry and lacking the tools for proper measurement against such geometric models, it posed significant challenges.

Day/Night and Equinox

Day and night are actually not of equal length on the equinox because it gets light before sunrise and is still light after sunset.

It is even misleading to say that the equinoxes are the days when the time between sunrise and sunset is the same as that between sunset and sunrise, because this definition assumes a flat horizon and the absence of atmospheric effects, particularly refraction. In practice, one cannot determine the equinox by measuring the length of time between sunrise and sunset.  (Ruggles, 2015, p. 148)

Christianity and the Equinox

Finding the equinox even posed challenges for Christians of the medieval period. The equinox was a key to setting the date of Easter and orienting churches. The importance of being able to use the calendar to find the equinox for Easter purposes also led to the later Gregorian calendar reforms.

The fact that the equinox has, nonetheless, acquired crucial liturgical importance within the Christian world in connection with the timing of Easter is attributable to the roots of that tradition in the Classical world. The difficulties of recognizing and marking the equinox in medieval times were considerable, and this is reflected in the process and practice of orienting churches. (Ruggles, 2015, p. 151)

Eudoxus and the Spheres

We’ve seen how the Greeks were interested in orienting the zodiac to the equinoxes from the beginning. Also, I noted how their geometric methods enabled them to determine the equinox with increasing accuracy. During this period, from the adoption of the regular zodiac (late 5th century BCE) to Hipparchus (2nd century BCE), Greek models were growing increasingly complex and sophisticated. Note that the time of Euclid is right in there, in the late 4th to early 3rd century BCE. Also, Plato helps to kick off the period, as he was active in the early 4th century BCE.

Sophisticated Greek astronomy predated Hipparchus by a couple centuries. It really took off with Eudoxus (early 4th century BCE). Eudoxus invented more advanced mathematical methods to deal with incommensurable quantities (repeated in Book V of Euclid’s Elements). Also, he created a model of the heavens based on geocentric spheres. His ingenious system of linked spheres would pave the way for increasingly sophisticated models for describing the motions of the planets. Additionally, he is typically credited with adapting the twelve zodiacal constellations of the Babylonians into their Greek form (see earlier quote by Toomer)

Parapegmata

One of the ways we know the early Greek astronomers, such as Euctemon, used the tropical zodiac is from the parapegma attributed to each. These were almanac-like texts, going through the calendar year noting important weather and astronomical events that would fall on each date. The Greek tradition of parapegmata went back to at least Hesiod’s Works and Days (7th century BCE). In other words, the tradition of parapegmata begins not long after the Greeks adapt the alphabet of the Phoenicians to their language and rediscover writing (i.e. after the Greek Dark Ages). The cultural role of mythological epic, also prominent in early Greek texts, is undisputed, while the early importance of parapegmata in defining Greek culture is more often overlooked. A couple hundred years after Hesiod, the parapegmata of the old Greek astronomers started to use the equinoxes and solstices to define the start of each season.

The Parapegma of Geminos and its Predecessors

The parapegma of Geminos (1st century BCE) is a compilation based on six prior ones, particularly those of Euctemon (cited 46 times), Eudoxus (cited 61 times), and Kallippos (cited 34 times). The start of that parapegma is below and cites Kallippos (Callippus), of the mid-4th century BCE, as stating that Cancer begins to rise on the first day of summer, the solstice.

The times in which the Sun passes through each of the signs and, for each sign, the weather predictions, which are written underneath. We shall begin from summer solstice. The Sun passes through Cancer in 31 days. <On the> 1st day, according to Kallippos, Cancer begins to rise; summer solstice; and it signifies. (Geminos, Parapegma, Evans & Berggren trans., 2006, p. 231)

Prussian Faltkalender circa 1400 (public domain)

Tropical Zodiac without Knowledge of Precession

The fact that the tropical zodiac had become the Greek standard almost as soon as the zodiac reached Greece is well-attested. However, this is almost 300 years prior to the discovery of precession. Additionally, the tropical and sidereal zodiacs did not “line up” until about 600 years later. Therefore, it wasn’t a matter of their not being much difference between the zodiacs. Why did the Greeks divide the zodiac in that manner, if not due to precession?

We don’t have all the answers. The Greek astronomers had an increasingly sophisticated geometrical model of the heavens at their disposal. Babylonian models tended to be arithmetic rather than geometric. The Babylonian approximation of the vernal equinox at 8 degrees Aries was based on shadow clocks (gnomons) which is inaccurate. The Greeks, on the other hand, could find the equinox with greater ease using ever-improving geometric models. Due to the central role of the cardinal points in defining the year, it probably made much more sense to the Greeks as the frame of reference.

Geminos Compares the Greek and Babylonian Zodiacs

Geminos (1st century BCE) asserted that the tropical zodiac was the Greek standard and actively compared it with the Babylonian one.

The two solstices and the two equinoxes occur, in the way of thinking of the Greek astronomers, in the first degrees of these signs; but in the way of thinking of the Chaldeans, they occur in the eighth degrees of these signs. The days on which the two solstices and the two equinoxes occur are the same days in all places, because the equinox occurs in all places at one time, and similarly the solstice. And again, the points on the circle of the signs at which the two solstices and the two equinoxes occur are exactly the same points for all astronomers. There is no difference between the Greeks and the Chaldeans except in the division of the signs, since the first points of the signs are not subject to the same convention for them; among the Chaldeans, they precede by 8 degrees. Thus, the summer solstitial point, according to the practice of the Greeks, is in the first part of Cancer; but according to the practice of the Chaldeans, in the eighth degree. the case goes similarly for the remaining points. (Geminos, Ch. I, #9, Evans & Berggren trans., 2006, p. 115)

Interestingly, Geminos assumed that the Babylonian zodiac is essentially tropical. That is, that it is fixed with respect to the equinox. He asserted that it differs only in starting point from the Greek tropical zodiac. In fact, the Babylonian zodiac had used sidereal periods of the planets, calculated relative to stars rather than to the equinox. Their tables remained sidereally fixed while their estimation of the equinox’s zodiacal position accumulated error. By the time of Geminos, the equinox would have already been closer to 4° Aries, rather than 8° Aries, of the Babylonian zodiac used in practice.

Geometric Symmetry

Geminos actually criticized the Babylonian zodiac as illogical in some regards. He had no knowledge of the work of Hipparchus on precession a century earlier, as he does not invoke precession in his arguments. One particular point of contention pertains to what may be termed signs of equal daylight (antiscia). He discussed such signs as a type of aspect which he called “syzygy” or connected signs. He criticized the common reckoning of these signs as those equidistant from the solstitial signs (e.g. Gemini-Leo) rather than from the solstitial points (e.g. Gemini-Cancer).

But it happens that such an account is completely erroneous. For solstices do not occur in the whole of Cancer; rather, there is one certain point, perceivable through reason, at which the Sun makes its turning; for the solstices take place in a moment’s time. The whole twelfth-part of Cancer is situated in the same way as Gemini, and each of them is equally far from the summer solstitial point. For this reason, the lengths of the days are equal in Gemini and Cancer, and on the sundials, the curves described by the gnomons [when the Sun is] in Cancer and in Gemini are equally distant from the tropic {…} There are, then, in truth, 6 syzygies {antiscia signs}: Gemini with Cancer, Taurus with Leo, Aries with Virgo, Pisces with Libra, Aquarius with Scorpio, Capricorn with Sagittarius. {…}” (Geminos, Ch. II, #33-44, Evans & Berggren trans., 2006, p. 134-136 – curly brackets added)

This speaks to the desire to make the zodiac and its symmetries conform to the Sun-Earth relationship and its symmetries which define the seasonal year. A preoccupation with geometry and harmonious symmetrical models that best reflect nature were likely leading factors behind the development of the Greek tropical zodiac.

The Antikythera Mechanism

One of the most ingenious applications of the Greek geometrical model of the heavens is the Antikythera mechanism. It was an ancient analogue computer, the world’s first, dated to the 2nd or 1st century BCE. The mechanism was discovered in a shipwreck off the coast of the Greek island Antikythera in the early 20th century. It is believed to have had astronomical, astrological, and calendrical uses.

Fragment of recovered Antikythera mechanism

The mechanism relies upon the state of the art Greek geometrical model of the heavens of the time. It even incorporates a model of the irregular motion of the Moon which had been worked on by Hipparchus. For this reason, some initially believed Hipparchus might have been consulted in its construction. Its complexity and accuracy are such that they would not again be matched until the European astronomical clocks of the 14th century.

The Antikythera’s Tropical Zodiac

Scholars working on the mechanism have clarified that the zodiac calculations used were tropical, despite some initial press releases that were ambiguous as to this fact.

The letter ‘alpha’ can be read next to the zero degrees Libra (autumn equinox) position, suggesting that this zodiac was tropical, in accord with the Hipparchan innovation of starting at zero degrees Aries for the spring equinox. (Kollerstrom, 2007, p. 30)

Note that Kollerstrom incorrectly assumed the tropical zodiac was a “Hipparchan innovation”. In any case, the Antikythera mechanism’s zodiac was oriented to the cardinal points.

As Price had conjectured and I later confirmed, wheel B1 and a central arbor on axis B passing coaxially through it were geared together so that if one rotation of B1 were to represent one year, one revolution of the central spindle would represent one sidereal or tropical month. (“Sidereal month” was Price’s term. However, the dial includes a formal representation of the Zodiac and not a starmap; and the tropical year, not the sidereal year, had come to be regarded as a constant in Hellenistic astronomy. Therefore the term “tropical month” is correct.) (Wright, 2012, p. 3 of PDF)

On the Shoulders of Giants

When I asked my readers whether they believed the mechanism used the tropical or sidereal zodiac, 43% of them thought sidereal, 57% tropical. My readers tended to be familiar with the antiquity of the device and many assumed the tropical zodiac came much later. However, it is not surprising that the tropical zodiac was used. It was the standard zodiac of the old Greek astronomers as we have seen. The Antikythera mechanism’s construction relied upon the geometrical model of the heavens of those same astronomers.

A reconstruction of the Antikythera mechanism.

The Antikythera’s Parapegma

One of the more interesting features of the Antikythera mechanism is that it also served as a parapegma. I discussed parapegmata above. They are calendars for key astronomical and meteorological events of the year, which became linked with the Sun’s voyage through the tropical zodiac. Letters on the device are believed to have indexed astronomical phenomena, including certain risings and settings of stars. There were separate plates that one could refer to which described the phenomena indexed. This is yet another feature placing the mechanism firmly within the tradition of the old Greek astronomers.

In the next segment two letters of {ΠΑΡΘΕ}ΝΟ{Υ} – Virgo – can be distinguished, thus indicating a cycle of the signs of the zodiac in a clockwise direction. Around this dial are letters of the alphabet, which apparently start and finish at the autumnal equinox and relate to the parapegma text beneath the dial. The parapegma under the dial on the front of the Mechanism shows a traditional Greek calendar similar to that described by Geminus […]. (Edmunds & Morgan, 2000, p. 6.11)

Astrological Antikythera

It is widely believed that the tropical zodiac was not used astrologically until Ptolemy’s time and after. However, the fact that scholars believe that the mechanism may have been used for astrology casts considerable doubt on that assertion.

Horoscopic astrology depended on the availability of precise longitudes of the Sun, Moon, and planets for any given date and time, using the scale of zodiacal signs and degrees as on the Mechanism’s front dial. Eclipses were the most prominent astronomical phenomena whose prognostic significance was interpreted in “general” astrology, the part of the science dealing with forecasts for regions and peoples. And the Egyptian calendar finds a role here as a standard chronological framework for astronomical predictions, as we know from astronomical tables from the first century AD and later. (Jones, 2012, p. 16)

Technical Astronomy and Astrology

While in Ptolemy there is a clear fusion of technical astronomy with astrology, there were probably Greek precedents. Stoic philosophical notions regarding fate were becoming closely linked with technical astronomy around the time of Hipparchus and the mechanism. The birth of a sophisticated new astrology seems a natural byproduct of that fusion.

Although the tradition of Hipparchus may seem firmly astronomical, it must be remembered that Posidonius – probably the most brilliant mind behind the Rhodes school in the relevant period circa 100–51 BC – was a Stoic philosopher, with inevitably a holistic view of the universe. As summarized by Cumont (1912): “Posidonius defined man as the beholder and expounder of heaven,” and “In the declining days of antiquity, the common creed of all pagans came to be a scientific pantheism, in which the infinite power of the divinity that pervaded the universe was revealed by all the elements of  Nature.” On such a linked and predestined view, the foretelling of events by stellar and planetary positions  could certainly not seem – and did not seem in the increasingly dominant Roman mind – unreasonable. (Edmunds & Morgan, 2000, 6.17)

The Tropical Zodiac in Astrology

It is true that our early textual evidence, which is rather scant, suggests Hellenistic astrologers used a Babylonian concept of the zodiac. For instance, many placed the equinox at 8° Aries. However, an 8° Aries equinox alone is not evidence that a zodiac is not tropical. The Babylonian zodiac can be calculated as an offset tropical zodiac if normed to that 8° Aries equinox rather than to the stars.

Still, there is also evidence of astrologers, including Vettius Valens, calculating positions using sidereal tables. The use of these tables effectively yields sidereal positions. The reason for the prevalence of sidereal tables is obvious. It pertains to the difficulty of accurately finding the equinox and the lack of knowledge regarding precession. However, were there also astrologers who used tropical tables, developed by use of more sophisticated astronomy prior to the time of Ptolemy? There is some evidence that there were.

Early Tropical Astrology

On the tropical side of the equation there is the Antikythera mechanism, the fact that most works of the old Greek astronomers are lost, and some limited evidence for early astrological use of an explicitly tropical zodiac. Geminos, whose text contains some astrological lore (aspects for instance) explicitly advocated a tropical zodiac. Also, summaries of Thrasyllus suggest there were some astrologers in his day (1st century BCE) that placed the equinox at 0° Aries.

First he treats of the nature of the zōidia […] And that the tropics are not made at the first degree of the zōidion, as some maintain, but at the 8th degree. (Summary of the Table of Thrasyllus, Schmidt trans., 1995, p. 57-58)

This is significant as the foundational texts of Hellenistic astrology are believed to have been written in the 2nd or 1st century BCE. Thrasyllus was one of the earliest active figures in Hellenistic astrology for which we have some fragments. The summary suggests that the Babylonian and Greek zodiacs may have been in competition among astrologers of the day. Again, note that precession was not widely known at that time so it was not as much an issue of tropical vs. sidereal as where the zodiac starts relative to the equinox (see Geminos above).

Claudius Ptolemy’s Universe

Ptolemy’s Almagest was the main turning point which drove astrologers to mindfully and explicitly adopt the tropical zodiac. Ptolemy was an astrologer himself, yet equally adept in his treatment of optics, music theory, and advanced mathematical astronomy. His geocentric model of the heavens improved upon the most advanced Greek models of his predecessors.

Ptolemy’s cosmos became the standard astronomical model for about the next 1400 years. His popularization of the work of Hipparchus on precession also helped astrologers to draw a clear distinction between a tropical and sidereal zodiac. Prior to that it is evident that astrologers did not suspect a difference.

Conclusion

Today, the tropical zodiac, the old Greek standard fixed to the year and its defining Sun-Earth cycle, is  still popular in the west. By contrast, the east, particularly India, has found the sidereal zodiac, fixed with regards to the constellations, to be more compatible with its long-standing sidereal indigenous astrology. Whichever zodiac you choose to use, it is important to understand the complex and fascinating, but often misunderstood, history of the zodiac.

Further Reading

For further reading on the zodiac there are some other articles on this site that may interest you. The lesson on the signs explains some of the connections between sign associations in Hellenistic astrology and the tropical cycle. The article on why I use the tropical zodiac touches on some of the same issues addressed here but with a focus on practical Hellenistic astrology. The exploration of material on planetary days in Valens ends with a look at his chart, both in the sidereal calculation which reflects his statements about it and the tropical one which shifts the signs of two planets. The article on antiscia explores the symmetrical relationships highlighted by Geminos. Additionally, the book images of sources and related texts are links to purchase those texts from Amazon.

 

References

Edmunds, M. G., & Morgan, P. (2000). The Antikythera Mechanism: still a mystery of Greek astronomy?. Astronomy & geophysics41(6), 6-10.

Evans, J., & Berggren, J. L. (2018). Geminos’s Introduction to the Phenomena: A Translation and Study of a Hellenistic Survey of Astronomy. Princeton University Press.

Hand, R., & Schmidt, R. (1995). The Astrological Record of the Early Sages in Greek. Golden Hind Press.

Jones, A. (2012). The Antikythera mechanism and the public face of Greek science. Proceedings of Science38, 1-22.

Kollerstrom, N. (2007). Decoding the Antikythera Mechanism. Astronomy Now21(3), 32-35.

Wright, M. T. (2012). The front dial of the Antikythera mechanism. In Explorations in the History of Machines and Mechanisms (pp. 279-292). Springer, Dordrecht.

Neugebauer, O. (2012). A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy. Springer Berlin Heidelberg.

Rochberg, F. (2004). The Heavenly Writing: Divination, Horoscopy, and Astronomy in Mesopotamian Culture. Cambridge University Press.
Ruggles, C. L. N. (2005). Ancient Astronomy: An Encyclopedia of Cosmologies and Myth. ABC-CLIO.
Thurston, H. (2012). Early Astronomy. Springer New York.
Walker, C. B. F. (1997). Astronomy Before the Telescope. St. Martin’s Press.
Image Attributions

Feature image is reliefs of the 4 seasons from french sculptor Jean Goujon on the Hôtel de Carnavalet in Paris. Photo by Beckstet

The image of a piece of the recovered Antikythera mechanism is by Tilemahos Efthimiadis from Athens, Greece [CC BY 2.0], via Wikimedia Commons

The image of the reconstruction of the Antikythera mechanism is by I, Mogi [CC BY-SA 3.0], via Wikimedia Commons

 

Why Use the Tropical Zodiac?

Introduction: Contentious Choices

The practice of astrology is riddled with contentious choices. Which one of the dozens of house systems should you use? Do chart factors essentially represent psychological or general real-life circumstances? Does astrology work according to a physical cause, for instance related to some ill-understood element of quantum mechanics? Or is it maybe linguistic, pertaining to a rational faculty of the cosmos which provides signs? Or could it be something else entirely?

Some issues can be resolved without much effort. Sometimes all that is needed is an open mind, a little chart work, and a brief exploration of astrology’s history and internal logic. However, other issues are more difficult. These issues can require a thorough familiarity with the principles of delineation and years of experience from hundreds of charts. Similarly, there are times when a superficial understanding of astrology’s history does not suffice and we have to deeply analyze particulars.

House System

I consider the choice of house system to be one of the easier issues to resolve, despite continued confusion in this area. Whole sign houses are the only house system that was used for topics in the first centuries of Hellenistic astrology (i.e. when the system came about). It also fits with the internal logic of the astrological system. The house issue is not a difficult one to address with some history, understanding of astrological principles, and work with chart examples. I’ve addressed the house issue at length, from multiple angles, in my article on the houses. Still, it continues to be one of the most vexing choices for beginners in astrology.

The Zodiac

Some contentious issues are more difficult to resolve. Among the most difficult and contentious is the matter of the zodiac. After more than 7 years of writing articles for Seven Stars Astrology, I’m still confronted by angry readers who attempt to convince me that I’ve made a grave error: I’m using the wrong zodiac!

I’ll explore the historical issues in more depth and with reference to relevant scholarship in the latter part of the article. However, before proceeding I’d like to briefly touch upon the main issues. The Babylonians created the zodiac as a means of measuring positions on the ecliptic. It was also intended to correlate their 12 month calendar, which began near the vernal equinox, with the twelve unequal constellations crossing the ecliptic. They do not appears to have known that the stars and calendar were actually drifting slowly away from each other and so they set the vernal equinox at a specific degree (at 8° or 10° Aries).

The Division

Knowledge of precession, the shift of the stars relative to the equinoxes, was taken two different ways in Indian astrology and western astrology. Indian astrologers accounted for the shift by arguing for various reference stars which could be used to keep the zodiac fixed with regards to its position relative to the constellations (sidereal zodiac) reflecting the original Babylonian intention and focus on the sidereal year. Western astrologers settled on a long-running Greek practice (from the late 5th century BCE) of starting the zodiac with the vernal equinox (tropical zodiac), fixing it to the calendar and seasonal cycle.

The Losers and The Losers

The sidereal zodiac can be accused of no longer coinciding with the calendar and seasons as the zodiac was intended. The tropical zodiac can be accused of no longer coinciding with the constellations for which the signs were named as was intended.

On only one issue did they agree, that the Babylonian standards were not sufficient. No one demonstrating knowledge of precession advocated to keep the zodiac fixed in such a way that the vernal equinox would always occur at 8° or 10° Aries.

The Babylonian Zodiac is Not Simply a Sidereal Zodiac

We should collectively refer to the two competing standards used by the Babylonians (from Systems A and B; vernal equinox at 10° or 8° Aries respectively), as “the Babylonian zodiac”. This serves to distinguish them from a tropical zodiac (vernal equinox at 0 Aries) and modern sidereal zodiac (distance to some explicit reference star determines 0° Aries).

The labeling of the Babylonian zodiac as “sidereal” accords with its original form and also with the Babylonian focus on sidereal periods and the constellations for observed phenomena. However, it was originally intended to be fixed with respect to both the stars (sidereal) and the calendar/equinox (equinox at 8° or 10° Aries). Additionally, it is not clear that all later adopters of the Babylonian zodiac used it sidereally (i.e. with respect to updated sidereal tables) vs. tropically (i.e. computing longitude relative to an 8° equinox). Referring to it simply as a sidereal zodiac confuses the Babylonian zodiac with today’s sidereal zodiacs (such as Lahiri or Fagan-Bradley). In such a way it obfuscates the circumstances of its development and subsequent history.

Hellenistic Context

The zodiac choice is particularly complex in the context of Hellenistic astrology. The zodiac was borrowed from the Babylonians but new Hellenistic doctrines, including sign associations, arose at a time when sidereal and tropical zodiacs nearly coincided. Sign qualities in the Hellenistic period pertained to the seasonal calendar as well as the images of the constellations. Furthermore, some Hellenistic astrologers, ignorant of precession, including Thrasyllus and Vettius Valens, used the Babylonian zodiac, sometimes even into the 4th century CE. Meanwhile, Claudius Ptolemy of the 2nd century CE, cognizant of precession, set the stage for the widespread adoption of the tropical zodiac.

The Babylonian Zodiac was No Longer “Sidereal” in the 1st and 2nd Centuries CE

Astrologers using the Babylonian zodiac apparently thought they were using one that was both sidereal (fixed to the stars) and tropical (fixed with respect to the position of the equinox), due to their ignorance regarding precession. As noted, this Babylonian zodiac had not been adjusted for precession (the shifting of the stars relative to the equinox) so it had actually lost its original correspondence with the stars. Further complicating matters, the late 2nd century was a time when the tropical and sidereal zodiacs coincided to about a degree of accuracy. Therefore, the Babylonian zodiac used by some early Hellenistic astrologers was much farther removed from the original and modern sidereal zodiacs than the tropical zodiac was in the same period. See Part III for details regarding this.

Two Zodiacs at the Same Time?

If you’ve read my article on the signs, you’ll know that at times I’ve felt that the sidereal zodiac may have a place in Hellenistic astrology. Since some sign associations pertain to the constellations, I’ve flirted with the idea of using a sidereal zodiac just for those indications. However, in recent years I’ve become less certain that using two zodiacs for western astrology will ever make sense. I believe that the tropical zodiac is the system of signs for western astrology, and that for a deeper dive into constellational symbolism, we should use the constellations themselves, not the sidereal zodiac.

With that said, I in no way imply that the tropical zodiac is more effective for Indian techniques. I cannot speak to that topic due to my lack of experience with Indian astrology. However, when it comes to the use of signs and their key features for traditional western astrology, including Hellenistic astrology, I find the tropical zodiac much more effective.

13 Signs?

I want to make a quick note about a further complicating factor. Unfortunately, there are popular astronomers putting out articles that confuse the notions of sign and constellation. These astronomers, who should know better, chide astrologers who “foolishly” use 12 signs when in fact 13 constellations cross the ecliptic. However, astrologers from even before the advent of Hellenistic astrology recognized the zodiac as 12 equal divisions of the 360 degree circle, not the 12 constellations from which they were named. Twelve is important not because of the number of constellations crossing the ecliptic but because there were 12 months in the lunisolar calendar. The division of the ecliptic into 12 signs followed from the calendar of 12 months, not from some long-standing tradition of using 12 constellations. The Babylonian tradition was actually to use 17-18 zodiacal constellations.

Divisions of time and circles into 360 degrees, 60 minutes, 60 seconds, 12 segments, and so forth should be familiar to anyone who has used a clock and a compass. These divisions originate from the Babylonians who came up with the zodiac and used a sexagesimal (base 60) number system. Signs are equal symbolic units of space-time, not the unequal constellations of stars. The initial importance of 12 came not from a number of constellations in the sky, but from the number of lunar months in the solar year. There are 12 New Moons in a given year. 360 is also interesting as it is the mean number of days between the mean solar year of approx. 365.24 days and the mean lunar year of approx. 354.37 days. The mean between the solar and lunar years is approx. 359.8 days, almost exactly 360 days.

Argument Structure

My rationale for using the tropical zodiac has always been primarily empirical. In other words, I find that the tropical zodiac works better for Hellenistic astrology. I don’t mean it works better in some amorphous, personal, “works better for me” sort of way. Given years of experience with applying Hellenistic techniques, I’m equipped to provide concrete examples of why the best results come with the tropical zodiac. As the empirical matter has been the most important matter to me, I present it first.

Historical matters are more complicated and can be quite confusing. A thorough understanding of the history is very important. I believe that logic and zodiacal history also support the use of a tropical zodiac. After I present my empirical examples, I examine some of the historical and logical facets of my decision. Those who want to dig into the nitty-gritty of the logic or history first can skip to Part II or III respectively. I conclude with my own story about how the tropical zodiac was responsible for turning me from a skeptic to an astrologer in the first place.

Part I: Example Charts

The following 7 examples illustrate the superiority of the tropical zodiac from an empirical standpoint for early traditional western principles and techniques. As the Fagan-Bradley ayanamsha is typically the one used by western siderealists, I will adopt that one in the sidereal charts of this article.

Ex. 1: Jimi Hendrix

I’ve previously pointed out that Hendrix’s chart works best with whole sign houses and a tropical zodiac. I addressed his chart at length in the article on the houses and also looked at it in terms of professional indications. See his chart below (natal chart of Jimi Hendrix, AA-rated).

Hendrix’s Tropical Birth Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Hendrix’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Career Indicator: Mercury-Venus Tropical; Mars Sidereal

Per Hellenistic techniques, the planets relevant to actions (i.e. career; skill-development; occupation) are Mercury, Venus, and Mars. We look to see if they are in eligible places. The planets that are most relevant are in the best of those places and/or have some additional special indications (e.g. phasis, station). I’ve discussed the technique in a prior article and have noted that I tend to follow Paulus Alexandrinus (4th century CE). Please review that article for details on the Hellenistic approach to this topic.

Tropical – Mercury-Venus and the Sun in the 1st

Mercury and Venus (as well as the Sun) are in the 1st house in the tropical chart. This makes them relevant as planets of actions, and also relevant for the identity and temperament. As I’ve noted, Mercury pertains to complexity, speech, composition, writing, and manual dexterity while Venus pertains to the arts, drugs, sexuality, and physical pleasure. One indication of Mercury with Venus is musical composition. Guitar playing is particularly relevant as stringed instruments played with one’s fingers are under the domain of Mercury (digits) and Venus (music).

Tropical

Mercury, Venus, and the Sun are all in the bound and sign of Jupiter, the sect benefic, connecting them with fortune. The twelfth-part of Jupiter is the 5th house of the chart, the Joy of Venus, which can pertain to the fruits of one’s labor and to material benefit (it is the house of good fortune). The twelfth-part of Mercury is in the 2nd house in the Mercury bound, connecting it with income, while that of Venus is in exaltation in the 4th. Both the 2nd and 4th are also eligible places, further emphasizing the importance of Mercury-Venus for the career.

Sidereal – Mars in the 11th

The sidereal chart still has Sagittarius rising and still has a Moon-Jupiter conjunction in Cancer, the 8th house. However, the career indications are completely different. Mercury and Venus are now in the 12th house. They are no longer in an eligible place for actions. They no longer pertain to the identity or character either as they are not in the 1st and do not rule the 1st house in any way. Now they are in the 12th house of the Bad Spirit, pertaining to secret enemies, imprisonment, and social ills. Mars is the clear planet of actions, as it is in the 11th place and has its twelfth-part in the 8th, both of them being eligible places. It also has its twelfth-part closely conjunct Jupiter’s twelfth-part, with the Moon and Jupiter in the 8th.

Sidereal

Mars is insufficient here as an answer. Yes, Hendrix was in the army for a time, but Mars was not the operative planet for his actions, skill-development, and occupation. Hendrix is not known for his manual labor, his competitive leadership, his political acumen, brawn, ferocity, or military prowess. Hendrix is known for his rich dexterity and complex compositions, his guitar playing, his singing, and his identity itself. All of those fall under the purview of a Mercury-Sun-Venus conjunction in the Jupiter bound of Sagittarius in the 1st house. The sidereal zodiac falls woefully short here when looking at Hendrix’s career and character.

Ex. 2: OJ Simpson

In this second example, I look at another chart I’ve addressed previously in terms of profession. In a prior article, I noted how the Hellenistic technique for professional significator correctly indicates Mars for OJ Simpson. His chart is birth information is rated AA for accuracy. To keep things brief, I refer you to my article for details on the analysis. Let’s see what the indications are when using the technique with the sidereal zodiac.

Tropical – Actions: Mars in XI; tpMars in I; Mars rules Asc bound

Mercury and Venus are in XII so are not particularly relevant for profession. Mars is in XI which is a relevant place and Mars advances toward the MC. Significantly, Mars rules the bound of the Ascendant, has triplicity at X and the MC, and its twelfth-part is in the 1st house. The twelfth-parts of Venus and Mercury are in XII and IX respectively, emphasizing that they are not as significant for actions. Therefore, we see lots of reinforcement to Mars as significator of actions, and also that it is relevant for character. Mars is in the fortunate 11th house, with twelfth-part Jupiter and in Jupiter’s bound, while Jupiter is ruled by Mars, connecting immense fortune to Mars (athletic star).

Simpson’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Tropical – Character pertains to XII, Saturn, Mars

Additionally, let’s look at some indications about character and life circumstances. The Sun which rules the 1st is in the 12th, one of the dark or bad places. This connects the character with the 12th house and its themes of undoing, imprisonment, and secret harm. Mercury, also relevant for character and intentions is additionally in the 12th. Both Venus and her twelfth-part are in the 12th, connecting her strongly to the themes of undoing, imprisonment, and secret harm. Furthermore, Saturn is in the 1st house of self as is the twelfth-part of Mars, indicating that both malefics are operative in the house of the self and character. See this article for more analysis of the character indications in OJ’s chart.

Sidereal – Actions: Mars in X and Ruling MC

Mars is also the professional indicator using the sidereal zodiac. In fact, its relevance for profession is just as striking. Mars is in X and rules the MC. However, what is lacking is a connection between Mars and self-identification. Mars has no rulership at the Ascendant and its twelfth-part is not in the 1st or a stake. Additionally, Mars is missing the Jupiter connection. Mars is not ruled in any way by Jupiter, is not with Jupiter’s twelfth-part, and Jupiter is not in a sign of Mars. We get Mars as career significator but not as relevant to the character nor necessarily associated with luck or fortune.

Simpson’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Sidereal – Character pertains to Sun and Venus in XI and Jupiter in III

Most strikingly, the malefic connections to character are largely absent in the sidereal chart. The character is dominated by the Sun which is in the fortunate 11th house and with the benefic Venus. Venus also has her twelfth-part in the 1st. This suggests a very solar and Venusian character. Jupiter rules the bound of the Ascendant and Jupiter is in Libra, a house of Venus. The twelfth-part of the Ascendant is also ruled by Venus (by bound). Again, we are getting the sense of a very magnanimous and positive individual with a sweet artistic or feminine temperament. Gone are the negative associations with Venus, the malefics in the 1st house, the ruler of the 1st in XII, and the identification with the out of sect Mars. These are not trivial losses when it comes to character delineation.

Ex. 3: Whitney Houston

I have also previously examined Whitney Houston’s chart. I’ve addressed the factors pertaining to her death in a prior article that explores her chart in some depth, as well as an article on the primary directions at the time of death. Whitney Houston’s birth information is Rodden-rated AA for accuracy.

Tropical – Venus-Mercury Actions; Venus-Jupiter Attended by Difficulties for Character

Whitney Houston’s tropical chart has the Venus bound of Pisces rising. Venus (arts) is in the 6th (a relevant place to actions) and her twelfth-part is in the 10th (actions) in her own bound of Sagittarius. Mercury (vocals) is also prominent for actions, being in Virgo (exaltation), the 7th house, in the bound of Venus. Mercury’s twelfth-part in its own bound of the 11th house of Good Spirit.

Therefore, Venus and Mercury prevail in the chart when it comes to actions. They are connected with fortune (Jupiter and XI) as well as brilliance and acclaim (Sun and X).

The character is particularly jovial and venusian (Pisces). However, it is also marked by some of the more troublesome manifestations of both (over-indulgence, escapism, pleasure-seeking) as they are both in dark places and afflicted by malefics.

Whitney Houston’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Sidereal – Mercurial Actions; Saturn-Mercury Character

In the sidereal zodiac, Houston’s Ascendant changes to Aquarius. It goes from a mutable water sign ruled by benefics (pleasant character but unstable or vacillating and putting a premium on the subjective) to a fixed air sign ruled by Saturn (cooler temperament, serious, idea-oriented, stubborn). The twelfth-part of Mercury in the 1st house further emphasizes and intellectualism. The twelfth-part of Mars in the 1st shows a hot competitiveness. Venus has no rulership of the 1st.

Mercury is the most important planet for actions, as its twelfth-part in the 1st reinforces its advancing position in the 7th. Mercury has the strongest connections to to actions (and the personality) of the 3 planets of actions. Saturn’s twelfth-part is in the 10th, so overall we see a particularly Mercury-Saturn orientation for career and personality. She could possibly be an appraiser or tax assessor. Venus is relevant for actions but she has only triplicity at X, no rulership at I, and a twelfth-part in XII. Therefore, Venus is much less relevant than Mercury.

Summary

In short, the character and career indications for Houston are very different in the sidereal zodiac and much less compelling. Note that some of the predictive examples I gave in my other articles also don’t hold because of the different house and rulership arrangements.

Whitney Houston’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Death and Directions

Directing through the bounds is a zodiac-dependent predictive technique. It is one of the oldest and most popular uses of primary directions. I have noted in past articles the importance of the Sun-Saturn opposition in the timing of Houston’s death at age 48. It was activated by planetary years, profections, and more. I have also looked at the death in terms of primary directions, including those through the bounds of the tropical zodiac.

Tropical Distributor: Ascendant -> Saturn

The distributor of the Ascendant, pertaining to personal circumstances, during the period of her death (on Feb. 11, 2012) was Saturn. It would have been followed by a Mars period. The two final malefic bounds was considered particularly challenging. Saturn as distributor is particularly relevant given the other predictive indications concerning Saturn at death.

Houston’s Tropical Ascendant Distributors – Death at Age 48

Sidereal Distributor: Ascendant -> Venus

By contrast, the distributor of the Ascendant in the sidereal zodiac is Venus. This fails to adequately capture the role of Saturn in the death.

Houston’s Sidereal Ascendant Distributors – Death at Age 48

Ex. 4: Karl Marx

I’ve previously addressed Karl Marx’s natal chart in terms of career, character, atheism, and some additional topics. Please see my article on him. The birth time of Karl Marx is from his official birth record (given a Rodden Rating of AA for accuracy). His rising sign is Aquarius in both tropical and sidereal astrology. Therefore, Saturn rules the 1st house either way. However, every planet except Venus occupies a different house of the chart sidereally than tropically. Therefore, the zodiac choice largely determines their topical associations.

Tropical – Focus on Money’s Dark Side

The Ascendant lord, Saturn, is in II, the house of money. This puts a personal focus on identifying with this out of sect Saturn in the house of money. Additionally, the bound of Mars rises and the twelfth-part of Mars is also in II, reinforcing the aforesaid indication. Mars itself is in the 6th of labor. Additionally, Jupiter rules the 2nd and naturally rules money (and spirituality), and Jupiter is in the 12, a dark place, ruled by Saturn. Therefore, we see a personal focus on money matters (2nd and Jupiter) with strongly malefic associations.

I noted this strong back and forth relationship between Jupiter and Saturn over money matters in my article on Marx. Another consequence of Jupiter in the 12th and malefics in a sign of Jupiter is the lack of spiritual faith. However, the identification with Saturn in both tropical and sidereal charts tends toward doubt anyway.

Karl Marx’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Sidereal – Focus on Self and Career but Positive Money Associations

In the sidereal chart there is a still a strong identification with Saturn, as well as Mercury. Saturn is in the 1st house, as is the twelfth-part of the Ascendant. Therefore, there is a strong emphasis on the self, body, or identity, and difficulty associated with these things (out of sect Saturn).

As in the tropical chart, there is an association between friends and benefits (11th ruled by Jupiter). However, in the sidereal chart we find immense positive indication regarding Jupiter in terms of both natural significations and those concerning money. Jupiter is in its joy in the 11th, with the twelfth-part of the Sun, and dominating the 2nd house which it rules. Jupiter’s twelfth-part is in the 7th house, signifying fortune in partnership.

Identification is still primarily with Saturn and Mercury so we wouldn’t necessarily expect spiritual faith. However, Mars no longer dominates the 9th and Jupiter is overall more benefic, so it less pronounced.

Money Matters

We especially wouldn’t expect negative associations with money. The house of money is brimming with positive indications in Marx’s sidereal chart. Marx was notoriously critical of the wealthy and capitalism in his lifetime and notoriously bad with money. He actually lived in very impoverished circumstances through much of his later life despite a wealthy upbringing and frequent loans from wealthy friends. The sidereal chart doesn’t adequately capture these facets of his life.

Karl Marx’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Note on Twelfth-Parts

As we are more than halfway through the chart examples, I want to point out something about the efficacy of the twelfth-parts. I have noted previously the importance of the twelfth-parts. On the site, they have been used them in a variety of contexts to show that they are useful in all chart work. Interestingly, I’ve also pointed out that the twelfth-parts are almost as old as the zodiac itself, being used in Babylonian astrology prior to their use in Hellenistic astrology. A couple readers have questioned the use of the twelfth-parts with the tropical zodiac given that they were initially used with the Babylonian zodiac.

In the chart examples, I have consistently shown how the tropical zodiac and its twelfth-parts provide superior information when compared with the sidereal chart and its twelfth-parts. Hellenistic and medieval astrologers who used the tropical zodiac extolled the virtues of the twelfth-parts. On empirical grounds alone, they are a necessity for accurate chart work.

Divisions of Space-Time Not of Stars or Seasons

The twelfth-parts are a symbolic division much like the zodiac itself. The zodiac was not designed to exactly correspond to the constellations of stars nor to the seasons, but to roughly correlate both (see Part III). It corresponds to regular periods of space-time which have associations derived from the constellations and seasons roughly coinciding with them at its inception. The division of the ecliptic circle into 12 equal signs and the division of those signs into a micro zodiac of 12 equal signs are not dependent on either constellations or seasons as a basis. Constellations vary dramatically in size and seasons vary by locale. Conceptually, the twelfth-parts, as microcosmic divisions, fit equally well in either zodiac.

Bounds

It is similar with the bounds. In recent decades, it has become clear that the so-called Egyptian bounds are actually of Babylonian origin. The bounds are also symbolic divisions of the zodiac. They are not dependent upon or based upon star clusters, nor on subdivision of the seasonal calendar. As signs are houses, bounds are like rooms. Each of the five non-luminaries rules a bound in each sign with a malefic always ruling the final bound. Additionally, each planet rules the same number of degrees as its Greater Years. Despite the fact that the logic behind the exact assignment of bounds has been lost, there appear to be some other internal consistencies to the bound ordering. A rationale based on specific stars of the natures of the bound rulers, akin to Indian Nakshatras, has not been argued.

Ex. 5: Dalai Lama XIV

I’m going to switch gears and look at a couple religious charts. I’ve previously analyzed 12 charts in terms of religious belief, using Hellenistic principles, working toward a special technique. One of the most important things noted when it comes to skepticism is identification with Mercury and/or Saturn, as well as unpleasant associations with Jupiter. On the other hand, religious charts tend to have Jupiter prominent in some way, some identification with Jupiter, and some strong connections between self and 9th house matters.

While a Saturnine 9th house associates religion with weight, burden, obligation, and even exile. we have found that with religious leaders it is not that unusual if it also has strong ties to the self and Jupiter. I’ve previously analyzed the Dalai Lama’s chart in this regard.

Note on Questionable Birth Data

The Dalai Lama’s birth information had been given a Rodden Rating of A (from biographical account) at the time that the initial article on him was written. However, it has been revised to a C rating more recently due to some conflicting accounts. Therefore, caution should be taken with the chart and this example can be skipped by those who disregard C-rated data.

Tropical – Strong Jupiter Water Emphasis connected to Self and 9th House

The Dalai Lama has a tricky chart for belief because of the position of Saturn, planet of doubt, in the 9th house (both tropically and sidereally). Also, the Moon applies an opposition to Saturn. However, in the tropical chart we see Jupiter playing a major role.

Jupiter

Jupiter is exalted in the 1st house of self, showing an identification with Jupiter. It rules the 9th house so it has a strong influence over matters of belief. Additionally, Jupiter’s twelfth-part is with that of Mercury in the 10th house of authority and actions, connecting it to the profession, teaching/lecturing, and recognition. Jupiter is very prominent. It is advancing in the fortunate 5th house and stationing direct within days of birth. Therefore, Jupiter pervasively characterizes life circumstances.

Jupiter overcomes Saturn and the 9th house by trine, and is itself overcome by the Sun which applies a trine from the first house within a degree. In this it has an ameliorating influence upon the adversity of Saturn and is fortunately influenced by the Sun, indicating recognition and leadership.

Summary

The negative indications associated with belief and foreign powers are apparent in the chart. They pertain to exile and issues with his homeland. However, the identification with the Moon and Jupiter put a strong focus on the 9th and 3rd houses as well as the pervasive role of Jupiter.

Dalai Lama XIV’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Sidereal – Mercurial Air Emphasis

The sidereal chart shifts the emphasis to Mercury, Mars, the Sun, and air signs. We lose the identification with Jupiter and the connection of Jupiter to the 9th. Jupiter is still prominent in the 5th house. However, Jupiter is no longer associated with the self (1st house) nor the 9th house. Jupiter’s twelfth-part is in the dark 12th house while Saturn is in the 9th house of God and rules there. The primary identification is with intellectual Mercury.

Dalai Lama XIV’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Rational and Critical Outlook on Spirituality

All of this implies immense focus on rationality and a much more critical view of religion and spirituality. The Ascendant is an idea-oriented air sign, ruled by Mercury, occupied by Mercury and its twelfth-part. Rationality overload! The Sun and twelfth-part Mars are also both there showing a tendency toward a choleric belligerence. Venus rules the rising bound and is in the 3rd with the Moon but so is the twelfth-part of Saturn. Again, the stress is on doubt and materiality.

The sidereal chart fails to capture the fact that this person’s identity is tied up with religion and spirituality.

Ex. 6: Pope Francis I

The birth information for Pope Francis I is AA-rated for accuracy. The Pope’s chart is very similar to that of the Dalai Lama (above). Both have the Venus bound of Cancer rising, Saturn in the 9th ruled by Jupiter, and a prominent Jupiter (in VII).

Pope Francis I’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Note on Southern Hemisphere

I’ve been told by a critic that the tropical zodiac does not work for the southern hemisphere. The logic is that some of the sign associations derive from the seasonal cycle of the northern mid-latitudes where Hellenistic astrology originated. Therefore, one might conclude that the sign meanings are dependent upon the seasons of a given place. By that logic, the tropical zodiac should be flipped when working in the southern hemisphere, at least in terms of things like domicile and exaltation relationships that reflect the seasons.

However, the seasonal associations are symbolic metaphors, not dependencies. Astrologers from Australia, South America, and the rest of the southern hemisphere regularly use the tropical zodiac with great results.

Note on Dignity

One reader, Theo, argued that Pope Francis’ chart convincingly shows that the tropical zodiac is inferior. He argued this because Jupiter is in Capricorn, its fall. By contrast, in the sidereal chart, it is in Sagittarius, its domicile, and with the Sun, which promises honors.

However, I have long argued that astrologers over rely on sign dignity. Sign dignity is a common factor rather than a particularizing one. Everyone born within about a one year period will have Jupiter in the same sign. It does not serve to define them as such. For instance, it doesn’t make everyone born with Jupiter in Capricorn a cynic. The problems with over-reliance on dignity do not magically go away by switching to the sidereal zodiac.

Sun-Jupiter Antiscia

Jupiter is actually very strongly connected to the Sun in the tropical chart. Jupiter and the Sun are antiscia each other within a degree, which has the force of a conjunction. Additionally, Jupiter rules the Sun. These indications connect Jupiter with the recognition and leadership significations of the Sun. Antiscia by degree is a symmetry relationship about defining points of the tropical zodiac (solstices for antiscia and equinoxes for contra-antiscia). As such it is not a relationship that is typically apparent to siderealists.

Pope Francis I’s Tropical Natal Chart with Antiscia Positions (outside wheel)

Tropical – Mercury-Jupiter 9th and 7th House Emphasis for Actions

Let’s turn back to the tropical chart with twelfth-parts. We find Mercury, Mars, and Jupiter as pertinent to actions or occupation. Mercury is particularly relevant because it is strongly advancing (conjunct the Dsc), in phasis, and in an eligible place. Jupiter and Mercury are angular and together, as well as in each other’s bounds, connecting them strongly with the profession and with each other. This pertains to religious teaching, religious thought, and the like.

Mercury and Jupiter are both ruled by Saturn which is in the 9th house, Pisces, ruled by Jupiter. Therefore, there is a strong relationship indicated between the roles of Mercury, Jupiter, Saturn, and the 9th house in the profession.

Mars is in the 4th, an angle or stake, and is in sect. It rules the 10th and has its twelfth-part in the 11th house, closely with Mercury. I have noted that Mars is rather common as one professional indicator in charts of popes. Mars shows a competitiveness and its connection with Mercury connects it with thought, writing, and analysis.

Pope Francis I’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Sidereal – Mercury-Jupiter 7th House Emphasis for Actions

For the tropical chart, I noted how there is a strong relationship between Jupiter in the 7th and Saturn in the 9th, as they rule each other. This linked the career to the 9th house of God more specifically. In the sidereal chart the link to the 9th house is tenuous.

Pope Francis I’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Mercury is far and away the most relevant planet of actions, with even stronger indications than in the tropical chart. Mercury is also very strongly linked with Jupiter and the Sun due to being with them and their twelfth-parts while ruled by Jupiter. However, the 9th house and Saturn are not strongly associated with those indications. Additionally, the twelfth-part of Mars is in the 9th house.

Hater of Religion?

As Saturn is in the 9th with the twelfth-part of Mars, and Saturn rules the 9th, there is little suggestion of anything other than dislike (negative associations) for spiritual aspects of the 9th house. The 9th is characterized by Saturn and Mars (oppression and aggression). By contrast, Jupiter’s benefits are focused especially on the 7th house (partners, sexuality), and also the 10th house (career), and 2nd house (money). Jupiter suggests marriage and career related benefits. The association with Mercury without a strong connection to a search for truth (9th) makes commerce particularly relevant.

The 9th House and Jupiter-Saturn

Does Saturn in the 9th reflect this Pope’s belief system? The strong interplay between Jupiter-Saturn, the 7th and the 9th, is not just appropriate to the Pope’s circumstances, it is spot-on. Not only do these things connect the 9th with the more spiritual indications of Jupiter, they also pertain to poverty, asceticism, and challenges that arise in relation to marriage and sexuality.

Pope of the Poor

This Pope has been active in fighting poverty and economic inequality as key issues to the point that many have accused him of being Marxist (see Marx’s own Saturn in Pisces in the 2nd above). He has stated that the Christian flag is that of the poor and that poverty is central to the gospel. Francis has embraced asceticism and like all popes has renounced marriage. Pope Francis is also sympathetic to atheists and those that believe in other faiths. He has stated that good deeds, particularly those that help the less fortunate, redeem one through Jesus, even if one is a nonbeliever or of another faith.

Challenges Pertaining to Sex and Marriage

Additionally, a Saturn ruled 7th in the 9th suggests religious difficulty (9th Saturn) associated with sexuality and marriage (7th). Sexual scandals involving pedophilia continue to plague the Catholic church under the Pope’s watch. Criticism of priestly vows of celibacy has also come to the fore. The Pope’s greatest challenges are likely to pertain to his handling of issues of sex and marriage. These associations are lost in the sidereal chart which does not strongly link Jupiter and Saturn together for 9th house matters.

Pope Francis I’s Tropical Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Self-Identification, Water, the Moon, and Jupiter

The Pope also has some identification with Jupiter in the tropical chart as Jupiter is exalted at the Ascendant. By contrast, in the sidereal chart the main identification is with Mercury, planet of rationality. The Moon and water signs are also pivotal for temperament and character in the tropical chart. She rules the 1st house and has her twelfth-part there. The Moon is the Sect Light and is itself conjunct the twelfth-part of Jupiter, further linking it to Jupiter’s indications. The watery, lunar, jovial temperament is humane, sensitive, cheerful, and popular. By contrast, the sidereal temperament indications are for one who is airy and mercurial; a consummate aloof intellectual.

Pope Francis I’s Sidereal Natal Chart with twelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Recap

With the chart of Pope Francis I, we see that even in the southern hemisphere the tropical zodiac is the most effective. The tropical zodiac not only shows us the role of a Mercury-Jupiter combination in the career, as the sidereal zodiac does, but it also connects that career with the self and the search for truth (9th house). Importantly, it also helps to describe the nature of belief in a more nuanced manner and its relation to other areas of life.

Ex. 7: Kurt Cobain

My final example is that of Kurt Cobain. His birth data is AA-rated for accuracy. I’ll be comparing career and character indications again. He has Virgo rising in the tropical zodiac, with 4 planets in Pisces in VII. In the sidereal zodiac he has Leo rising with only Mercury and the Sun in Aquarius in VII.

Character – Tropical: Earthy Temperament with Watery Mercury-Venus Complexity

In the tropical zodiac, Kurt’s Ascendant is in the Jupiter bound of Virgo, a relatively down-to-earth (earth sign) but playful (Mercury-Jupiter) position. Mercury, the Ascendant lord, is in Pisces, most closely with Venus, but also with Saturn and the Sun (and the Sun’s twelfth-part). This connects the identity as a mouthpiece (Mercury) but subjective and emotive (water) with the arts strongly tied to the identity (Venus co-present and the exalted ruler), and with close associations with hardship and depression (Saturn) as well as fame, recognition, and the “lyre” (the Sun).

Kurt Cobain’s Tropical Natal Chart twelfth parts (outside wheel)

Character – Sidereal: Fiery-Airy Mercurial Temperament

In the sidereal zodiac, the Mars bound of Leo rises. Mars and the Sun bring a choleric or pushy temperament. However, the Sun is in Aquarius and with a very strong Mercury so the overall tendency is toward more intellectualism. There is no doubt that Kurt was very Mercurial, and this shows in both charts. Though the sidereal shows much more focus, direction, and clarity than the tropical, suggesting a more intellectual orientation. Fixed signs tend to linearly focused, and Aquarius, ruled by Saturn, is rather detached, while Leo is showy.

Kurt Cobain’s Sidereal Natal Chart with rwelfth-parts (outside wheel)

Venus is no longer tied strongly to the identity, nor is water. So we don’t get the same sense of confusion and synthesis (mutability), the arts (Venus), and the personal or emotional (water).

Profession – Tropical: Mercury with Venus-Saturn-Sun

In the tropical chart, Mercury is the most relevant of the planets of actions. It is in the eligible 7th place, it rules the 1st and 10th, and it is conjunct the Descendant (strongly advancing). Mercury is also with the Sun and receiving the application of the Moon. However, Venus is with Mercury and she also very relevant for actions as she strongly advances in the eligible 7th and has her twelfth-part in the 5th. Mars and its twelfth-part are in the 3rd so they are not so relevant.

Kurt Cobain’s Tropical Natal Chart twelfth parts (outside wheel)

The Mercury-Venus combination was discussed already with Jimi Hendrix (above). It combines vocals and composition (Mercury) with art (Venus). With the Sun present it can pertain also to guitar and to recognition or fame. In the tropical zodiac we see a close link with Venus (arts, love) and Saturn (struggle, depression). These themes and the Piscean mutability, water, and link with fame (ruled by Jupiter in XI, Sun present) all strongly express career circumstances.

Profession – Sidereal: Mercury with Sun

Mercury is the planet of actions in the sidereal chart as well. Venus still has relevance to actions as she is in the 8th and she rules the 10th. The strong link between Mercury and Venus is lacking though so their significations don’t readily combine. The solar link with Mercury is more pronounced as the Sun rules the Ascendant signifying identification with the heroic Sun. Mercury with the Sun represents a strong skill linked with that solar mission. A visionary solar-Mercurial quality to the profession is possible, though things appear more intellectual or political (Mercury-Sun, airy and fiery) than pertaining to emotional expressive arts.

Kurt Cobain’s Sidereal Natal Chart with rwelfth-parts (outside wheel)

The tropical chart reveals more of the emotional and artistic quality as well as many of the contradictions. From the vacillating mutability to the contrast between a self-deprecating earth-water temperament and an immense drive for fame (Sun with personal and career factors). Saturn (hardship, depression) is connected to Venus in both charts but Saturn’s connection to the personality and main planet of actions (Mercury) is more direct in the tropical chart.

Part II: Logic

The Geocentric Logic of the Tropical Zodiac

Upon meditating on this matter for some time, I’ve come to understand the greater logic of the tropical zodiac. Astrological symbolism is geocentric. The indications of the chart are always relative to a specific time and place on Earth.

The ecliptic is the road or path of the wandering stars. A twelve sign zodiac is a regular meaningful way of dividing this road symbolically in accordance with numerical symbolism and the twelve month calendar. We can slice such that a certain star or stars coincide with a key spot in this division and that will produce the sidereal zodiac. However, a more geocentric strategy is to divide the road of the planets according to its intersection with the road of the Earth, the equator.

Equator as the Road of the Earth

From a common perspective we think of the Earth as a top, spinning with the south side down. However, there is no intrinsic up or down. The assigning of up to north is relatively arbitrary. The Earth is just as much rolling like a ball as spinning like a top, depending on perspective.

It is rolls on a path marked out by the plane of the celestial equator. The equator is the path or road of the Earth, much like the ecliptic is that of the wandering stars. The intersection of these roads marks the equinoctial points. Their maximum divergence marks the solstitial points. If we are to divide the space-time of the planetary road, then from a geocentric perspective there is no more perfect set of reference points than its intersection with the the equatorial road of the Earth.

Intersection of the Equator and Ecliptic (public domain)

The Sidereal Zodiac Disregards the Earth-Ecliptic Relationship

By contrast, the sidereal zodiac much more arbitrarily divides the road of the planets into regular sections to overlay irregular groupings of stars. The division is divorced from the path of the Earth (equator). Understandably, there is controversy regarding where the slices should be made in the sidereal zodiac as different stars can be used as the key reference star. Additionally, the sidereal zodiac is superfluous when it comes to studying the direct interaction of planets with stars and constellations. We can study the motion of the planets against the stars independently from the zodiac.

Origins and Feature-Bundles

The zodiacal signs are associated with the characteristics of the constellations and seasonal periods which coincided with them around the time and locale of its birth. In my article on the signs, I’ve referred to these characteristics as the “feature bundles” of the signs. I’ve also pointed out that the more critical of those features are derived from the seasonal or tropical cycle than the constellations themselves.

However, the zodiac doesn’t depend on the constellations or seasons for its meaning. It derived associations from constellations and seasons from the time and place of the assigning of those associations. The origin of the zodiac’s associations lies in the northern hemisphere at a time when both tropical and sidereal zodiacs roughly coincided. These original symbolic roots are still embedded in its meanings. This parallels how our own origins (birth chart) are embedded in the associations which pertain to the circumstances of our lives.

Part III: History

Hellenistic astrology arose at a time when both zodiacs nearly approximated each other. The zodiacs coincided exactly in the early 3rd century CE (about 220 CE per the Fagan-Bradley ayanamsha). The bulk of Hellenistic material on the qualities of the signs is from the first few centuries CE. There is evidence that in some locales a shift to a tropical standard was already underway by the 5th century BCE. Additionally, Geminos advocated for the tropical zodiac in the 1st century BCE for reasons independent of precession. He made no mention of precession in his arguments.

Despite awareness of the sidereal zodiac and the shifting of the constellations, Ptolemy advocated for a switch to a tropical standard in the 2nd century CE. This was very early on in the western tradition. His arguments were successful. The tropical zodiac became the de facto standard for most traditional western astrology thereafter.

Babylonian Zodiac Origins

The twelve sign zodiac is a Babylonian innovation, though much of its associative meanings (feature-bundles) came about during the Hellenistic period. In approximately the 5th century BCE we see our first evidence of a standard zodiac with twelve signs of 30 degrees.

The Babylonian regular zodiac was undoubtedly intended to be sidereal. Two competing Babylonian standards for fixing the zodiac arose around that time. From System A, one standard put the vernal equinox at 10° Aries. From System B, the other standard put the vernal equinox at 8° Aries. These standards arose at about the same time (System B shortly after System A) and were both used throughout the whole of the use of the regular zodiac in Babylonian astrology. However, the Babylonian zodiac was sidereally fixed such that updated tables of computed planetary positions tended to account for precession, despite lack of knowledge of precession.

Development of the Babylonian Zodiac

The development of the zodiac was preceded by the long-standing use of zodiacal constellations and their boundaries. This was the original zodiac of the constellations. There was also a long-standing use of stars in the belt of the ecliptic as points of reference (Normal Stars).

However, the the Babylonian constellations of the ecliptic numbered 18 (occasionally two are combined to make 17) and were irregular in size. The regularizing of the zodiac into 12 equal segmets was preceded by the development of an “ideal” 12 month calendar of 30 days per month. This calendar was correlated with the twelve sets of (the more than twelve) constellations which the Sun traveled through during various months. As the vernal equinox was significant for the beginning of the Babylonian year, the first month was assigned to when the Sun was in the constellation now known as Aries (then known as the hired man).

Therefore, there was from the beginning a consideration for correlating the ideal seasonal calendar with twelve groupings of constellations. Also, note that the zodiacal constellations of the Babylonians included many familiar ones but also some that were different. The Greek astronomers, particularly Eudoxus in the 4th century BCE, gave them their familiar twelve forms.

Calendar to Zodiac

One can posit the following steps in the development of the zodiac, although it must be said that our knowledge of how the zodiac was first devised is provisional. The division of the schematic calendar into 12 months of 30 days each […] could be correlated with twelve constellations through which the sun was found to travel in a one ideal “year” of twelve 30-day months. Because the spring equinox, which was always close to the beginning of the Babylonian year, was to occur in Nisannu (I.15 according to the tradition of MUL.APIN), then Nisannu, or month I, was when the sun was in the constellation Aries […] (Rochberg, 2004, p. 129)

Note the much older association between the spring equinox and the 15th day of the first month. This association predates the actual creation of the regular 12 sign zodiac. However, this association may be the source for the Alexandrian scheme that I mentioned in my article on sign symmetry. This is an older Babylonian association of the equinox with the mid-point of the first month, at a time when the Sun would be in the constellation Aries.

Importance of the Equinox

As noted, even before the advent of the regular zodiac, the equinox was significant in the Babylonian calendar (marking the 15th day of the 1st month). The position of the equinoxes and solstices continued to be a matter of central importance in late Babylonian horoscopy as well.

Solar phenomena incorporated within horoscopes are the longitude of the sun at the time of birth, the date of either solstice or equinox within a month or two of the birth date, and the occurrence of a solar eclipse within the year of birth. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 133)

Earliest Appearance of the Zodiac

The earliest direct evidence for the existence of the zodiac comes from fifth-century astronomical texts […] in which positions of the planets are cited with terminology used with respect to zodiacal signs as opposed to zodiacal constellations. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

Rochberg noted that there is also some indirect evidence of the use of zodiacal signs in the early 5th century BCE.

The phenomena computed in these texts can be dated with relative certainty to 475 B.C., although the writing of the tablets was certainly much later. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 130)

Names Not Constellations

The segments of longitude were given the names of the constellations but the real purpose of this sidereal zodiac was to compute exact positions. The signs were not simply the constellations. Constellations greatly vary in terms of size on the ecliptic with some encroaching on signs named for different constellations.

Although the names of the zodiacal signs derived from an original relation to the zodiacal constellations, once the signs were defined by longitude rather than the constellation they ceased to have any real relation to the constellations and became a mathematical reference system, representing the 360 of the ecliptic, counted from some defined starting point. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 128)

Lack of Recognition of Precession

Furthermore, there were two standards for the whole of Babylonian use of the zodiac over multiple centuries; the 8 and 10 degree Aries standards. This shows that the Babylonians didn’t recognize precession.

In mathematical astronomical texts, the equinoxes and solstices were also normed sidereally at 10 Aries in System A and 8 Aries in System B. That the cardinal points of the year do not correspond to the zero points of the appropriate signs in the Babylonian zodiac is a result of the sidereal (rather than the tropical) construction of the zodiac. The two systems of Babylonian mathematical astronomy maintained the two norming points throughout the period of their use. As Neugebauer pointed out, neither the chronological relation between Systems A and B norms nor the reason for their difference is understood. That both vernal-point longitudes remained sidereally fixed, however, proves precession was not recognized. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 132)

Where to Start

Many have sought to identify the key original reference stars for the Babylonian zodiac. However, most attempts to do so are based on evidence that precedes the actual creation of the twelve sign regular zodiac. There were certainly reference stars used in other contexts for observational data that preceded the signs by many centuries. Computing relationships between those reference stars and other observed phenomena such as an equinox, one can construct a pseudo twelve sign zodiac as it might have hypothetically appeared if the zodiac had existed then.

Indirect evidence has also been used, but not often very credibly. For instance, correspondences between calendrics and the stars can be used, or calendrics and the equinox. For instance, the equinox on the 15th day of the first month in a given age may be taken as similar to putting the equinox at the mid-point of the first sign in that age. However, such inferences can be only hypothetical when there is no evidence for the use of regular sign-based zodiac in that age.

No Clear Ayanamsha

Unfortunately, when it comes to the regular twelve sign zodiac and the two Babylonian standards, scholars have been clear that no norming star has yet been found. Claims have been made but refuted by leading scholars.

More precisely, however, we still cannot establish the star that originally served as norming point for the ecliptic. Even were we to assume the vernal point was determined correctly when it was assigned to 10° then 8° Aries, the corresponding dates of these zodiacal norming points cannot be pinpointed, as we do not sufficiently understand the ancient methods to obtain those values. Comparison against modern values for the longitudes of equinoxes is therefore uninformative for this purpose. (Rochberg, 2004, p. 133)

Hellenistic Use of System B

System B was influential upon early Hellenistic astrologers. Some early Hellenistic astrologers, like Thrasyllus (late 1st century BCE to early 1st century CE) used Babylonian System B. These astrologers explicitly advocated for placing the equinox at 8° Aries. For instance, see the doctrines attributed to Thrasyllus in Vol. X of the Hellenistic Track by Project Hindsight p. 57-58. It is said that Thrasyllus advocated placing the equinox at 8° Aries rather than 0° Aries. This suggests there were astrologers in his time that used the tropical zodiac.

Furthermore, it is unclear whether some of the astrologers like Thrasyllus who set the equinox at 8° Aries were truly using a sidereal or tropical reference point. The Babylonian norming point is lost to history, and the strong reference to the equinox at 8° Aries suggests that the equinox was taken up as a norming point by some astrologers (a type of tropical zodiac). Updated Babylonian tables might have reflected positions with greater sidereal accuracy if available to the astrologer. However, computations from the equinox common among Greek astronomers, would result in a tropical zodiac, defined with respect to the equinox, albeit with the equinox set at 8° Aries.

The tropical zodiac was within only a few degrees of the sidereal zodiac during this time period. By contrast, an offset tropical zodiac in which the System B value for the equinox (8 Aries) was used to compute positions would be 5-8 degrees from the sidereal zodiac of the 5th century BCE Babylonians, as well as most major sidereal zodiacs advocated today (including Fagan-Bradley).

Valens

It is well known that Vettius Valens was one of the Hellenistic astrologers who adopted an 8° Aries vernal equinox from System B (and rising times from System A). However, Valens appears to have had access to updated Babylonian tables as his values are typically only a few degrees error (few degrees greater) than modern computed tropical values. Valens operated in the late 2nd century CE when the tropical and sidereal zodiacs almost exactly coincided. At that time a siderealist would’ve been better off starting the zodiac with the vernal equinox, as the two matched up within a degree in his time. However, astrologers were not aware of precession and simply used whatever tables were available for finding planetary positions, while assuming the equinox was at 8° Aries. By consequence, many of his positions are in the wrong sign by today’s tropical and sidereal standards.

Precession

A sidereal zodiac must be referenced by a star rather than the equinox, or it will accumulate error due to precession. Hipparchus is known to have discovered precession in the 2nd century BCE, after the advent of the zodiac. Hipparchus estimated precession to be at least 1 degree every 100 years (now known to be a degree very 72 years). Therefore, if System B put the vernal equinox at sidereal 8° Aries in say 432 BCE, it would correspond to 2 Aries in 0 CE. This is because 360 years is equivalent to 72 times 6, representing a 6 degree shift relative to the equinox. Therefore, Hellenistic astrologers of the 1st through 4th centuries using a standard from System B but withthe equinox as norming point would be using a zodiac with a huge error of 5-10 degrees.

A Matter of Convenience

The finding that some Hellenistic astrologers thought they were using a sidereal zodiac does not strongly support the position that we should use a sidereal zodiac for Hellenistic astrology. Those astrologers likely thought they were using a zodiac that was both sidereal and tropical. They used an outdated Babylonian standard without knowledge of precession. Some astrologers with access to them used updated Babylonian tables which would over time account for some of the effect of precession.

It is also likely that some astrologers simply used the equinox at 8° Aries as a norming point resulting in a type of tropical zodiac, though one offset 8 degrees from the familiar one. That appears to be the implication in the Thrasyllus fragments and the account of Geminos (see below). In conclusion, for Hellenistic astrologers unaware of precession the zodiac was fixed both tropically and sidereally. The matter of computing zodiacal position was one of convenience owing to the mathematical sophistication involved and the availability of tables.

Tropical Zodiac Origins

It is often believed that Ptolemy came up with the tropical zodiac in the 2nd century CE. The tropical zodiac has actually been around since the 5th century BCE. Furthermore, Geminos of the 1st century BCE, whose work contained some limited astrological doctrines, explicitly and vehemently advocated for the use of a tropical zodiac and against the 8° Aries standard in no uncertain terms.

Geminos

The two solstices and the two equinoxes occur, in the way of thinking of the Greek astronomers, in the first degrees of these signs; but in the way of thinking of the Chaldeans, they occur in the eighth degrees of these signs. The days on which the two solstices and the two equinoxes occur are the same days in all places, because the equinox occurs in all places at one time, and similarly the solstice. An again, the points on the circle of the signs at which the two solstices and the two equinoxes occur are exactly the same points for all astronomers. There is no difference between the Greeks and the Chaldeans except in the division of the signs, since the first points of the signs are not subject to the same convention for them; among the Chaldeans, they precede by 8 degrees. Thus, the summer solstitial point, according to the practice of the Greeks, is in the first part of Cancer; but according to the practice of the Chaldeans, in the eighth degree. the case goes similarly for the remaining points. (Geminos, Ch. I, #9, Evans & Berggren trans., 2006, p. 115)

Almost as Old as the Sidereal Zodiac

It has been attested that the Babylonian regular zodiac of twelve signs entered into Greece very soon after it appeared in Babylon in the 5th century BCE. There is in fact evidence for the use of the tropical zodiac among the Greeks as early as the late 5th century according to renowned historian of science, Otto Neugebauer. Please note that the early 5th century provides the first evidence for the Babylonian regular sidereal zodiac, less than a century earlier.

We know from Hipparchus that the majority of the “old” mathematicians divided the ecliptic in this form. This statement agrees with sources still available to us; Euctemon (about -430) placed all four cardinal points on the “first day” of the respective signs. The same norm holds for Callippus (about -330) and is underlying the era of Dionysius (beginning -284/3). As far as we know this norm is attested nowhere in Babylonian astronomy. (Neugebauer, 2012, p. 600)

Almagest

The tropical zodiac became the de facto standard for western traditional astrology as a result of Ptolemy’s Almagest (2nd century CE). Ptolemy’s work was the state-of-the-art for astronomy of the day, and he was also an astrologer. Building upon Babylonian records, work done by Hipparchus (2nd century BCE) on precession, and a thorough understanding of the relevant math, Ptolemy constructed the most advance geocentric model of the heavens of the ancient world. Most later Hellenistic astrologers familiar with his work were confronted by the realities of precession and found his arguments for the adoption of the tropical zodiac to be compelling. However, in the Perso-Arabic period, noted for both Hellenistic, Indian, and Persian influences, there continued to be some back-and-forth between astrologers using tropical and sidereal calculations.

Further Reading

For further reading on the historical matters of the zodiac in early Hellenistic astrology, please see Rob Hand’s excellent article, “On the Invariance of the Tropical Zodiac“. I also recommend Francesca Rochberg’s book, The Heavenly Writing. for details regarding Mesopotamian astrology. For a really deep dive into the history of astrology and astronomy, see the History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy by Otto Neugebauer. Also see the Almagest by Ptolemy for a look at his arguments regarding precession and the tropical zodiac.

Part IV: Epilogue

Skepticism and Experimentation

Arguably, if it weren’t for the tropical zodiac, I would’ve never studied astrology. I’m a skeptical individual. When I was about 15 years old, I had a running joke of asking new people I’d meet their Sun sign. It was a joke because I didn’t believe in astrology at all. I thought people who believed in astrology were ridiculously naive. However, I was a bit of an oddball with a dark sense of humor. Somehow I found it perversely amusing to collect this strange information from people and observe their reactions to the question.

Women Under Watery Suns

Fast forward one year and things started to get weird, particularly as concerns women who had their Sun in a water sign. Maybe it has to do with my own Moon-Venus conjunction in water, but I started to notice a common “vibe” among women with a water sign Sun. I could also often pick up on the subtle ways the water signs differed. When I correctly guessed the Sun signs of two Scorpios and one Cancer on first encounter with them the damage was done. I knew there was something there that I was picking up on and that there was some validity to astrology. My world has not been the same since.

Astro-Junky #7

Being a thinking person, I constructed my own elaborate theories on the meanings of Sun signs and how astrology worked. I also read everything I could on it. Books on Sun-Moon combinations were consumed, then ones on the rising sign, then those on the whole chart. I even took a cassette audio course on natal astrology. With every volume of Noel Tyl’s “The Principles and Practice of Astrology”, I made flash cards for every configuration.

Unfortunately, like many who come to modern astrology, I began uncritically adopting all of the common metaphysical assumptions. The chart was a map of the soul. Transits and progressions represented actual movements and events in the soul, whether or not we were aware of them or they actually manifested. Jungian psychology provided the key to understanding the chart. Meditation, psychedelics, and the law of attraction provided the keys to cleaning up the opaque psychic machinery so it could become a sparkling jewel of bliss.

Energies vs. Personalities

So, what’s the point of this long discussion of my juvenile obsession with psychological astrology? Yes, I was naive, and my path was cliched, but that’s not the point. The point is that I’m not alone. Many come to astrology due to some subtle direct encounter with the “vibe” or “energy” of the tropical signs of the zodiac. Those who pay attention can pick up on these “vibes” particularly as they concern the tropical sign rising and that of the sect light (Sun by day; Moon by night). Intuitive encounters with the “energies” of these signs has helped immensely with the popularity of modern western astrology. This is especially so when it comes to the popularity of Sun, Moon, and Ascendant sign astrology.

Where Modern Astrology Gets It Wrong

Hold up. I’m not saying that modern western astrology has things right. I strongly believe that the chart is not a map of the psyche with planets as its functions. In hindsight, all these water sign women had day charts with a water sign Sun as Sect Light. They also had very different personalities even when they shared the same Sun sign and its vibe. Things like introversion vs. extroversion, level of aggression, intellectualism, professional inclinations, preferences, and moral compasses were often vastly different. An amorphous “vibe” and a core personality are not the same thing.

Narrative Elements vs. Mapped Landmarks

I actually believe it is reckless to confuse the Sun in a chart for the ego, or even a personality “center”. This is not to say that the Sun doesn’t pertain to egotism nor that the Sun can’t be a powerful factor for symbolizing a person’s personality. It can symbolize such things in a systematic manner and ancient astrology tells us when and how. However, a “vibe” that is occasionally apparent with some people does not entail a thing that is always there but deeply repressed when that “vibe” is not apparent. I could go on but this is a topic for another time and another article.

Conclusion

The primary reason to use the tropical zodiac is that it produces better results. When applying Hellenistic and early medieval techniques, we get more information out of the tropical signs and their divisions, including the bounds and twelfth-parts. This holds whether we are finding significators of special topics, such as character or profession, as well as when looking at associated themes. Furthermore, its is effective in the southern hemisphere, so indications are not dependent on the specific nature of the seasons as some have claimed.

The tropical zodiac is also the more logical choice for dividing up the space-time of planetary travel. It captures the geocentric nature of astrology and the central importance of the equinoxes and solstices. History also supports the use of the tropical zodiac. The tropical zodiac no longer corresponds to the constellations but it did in the Hellenistic period when its key associations came about. It derived those associations from the stellar and seasonal characteristics of that time and place. The persistent symbolism of a foundational time and place is something with which all astrologers should be able to relate.

References

Geminos (2006). Introduction to the Phenomena. (J. Evans & J. L. Berggren, Trans.). Princeton, NJ. Princeton University Press.

Neugebauer, O. (2012). A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy. Springer Berlin Heidelberg. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=6tkqBAAAQBAJ

Rochberg, F. (2004). The Heavenly Writing: Divination, Horoscopy, and Astronomy in Mesopotamian Culture. Cambridge University Press. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=TjiVXdSMRu4C

Featured Image (cropped) is in the public domain. It is from Andreas Cellarius Harmonia Macrocosmica, 1660/61. Chart showing signs of the zodiac and the solar system with world at centre.

Update 01/12/2019

This article was updated as the prior sections on Valens concerning the degree of error in his calculations were incorrect. I discovered this upon reading Greek Horoscopes by Neugebuaer and Van Hoesen (p. 171-172) where they discuss how the shifting error in his work is typically of 2-3 degrees and is consistent with calculations that are sidereally-based.

Twelve Easy Lessons for Beginners | 4. Signs and Stakes

The Signs of the Zodiac

So far we’ve looked at the origins of astrology, the meanings of the planets, planetary loudness, and general planetary prominence. A discussion of the signs of the zodiac, which figure so prominently in popular astrology, has been put off until this point. This is because the significations of the planets are more central to work in ancient astrology than those of the signs of the zodiac. However, the signs of the zodiac are very important in their own right, so let’s take a look.

An Examination of the Most Important Facets of the Zodiac

We’ll look at the key features of the signs, as well as how they relate to the fixed stars (sidereal) and the seasons (tropical).  I show that the most commonly used features of the signs stem from the tropical (seasonal) cycle, while the sidereal (fixed stars) features play a comparatively minor role.  Additionally, we will explore the 4 signs in every chart that refer to prominent personal matters (the “stakes”).

Moving Beyond Signs in Popular Astrology

Nearly every test of astrology by the scientific community has been a test of Sun-sign astrology and Sun-sign-based newspaper horoscopes.  It is ironic that the newspaper blurbs are called “horoscopes”, as the term “horoscope” (from horoskopos) initially referred to the hour-marker (rising sign). The rising sign is quick to change, being a different sign about every two hours. Contrast this with the Sun-sign which changes once a month.

In ancient astrology, the most important sign is this fast moving rising sign, rather than the slow-to-change Sun sign.

And so, the domicile occupying the rising [place] is called the horoscope; the effect of this [is] over the body and life of a man itself, and all his undertakings.  (Abu Ma’shar, The Abbreviation of the Introduction to Astrology, Book I, 109, Dykes trans., 2010, p. 71)

The Rising Sign Depends on Location, Hour, and Date

In Hellenistic astrology, the rising sign is the symbol of the individual.  The rising sign is based on the primary motion of the Earth, its rotation. The eastern horizon moves through all 12 signs in 24 hours (about one sign every two hours). In other words, in ancient astrology, the personal symbol is a factor of the location, time of day, and time of year of the birth.

Sun-signs are a factor which applies to everyone born in a given month-long period, no matter the location of the birth.  By contrast, you can have a completely different rising sign from someone born at the same time as you in a different part of the country or someone born at the same time of day at a different time of year. Similarly, it can be different from someone born in the same hospital a few minutes later (if you were born near the end of the sign).

I the Ascendant, life, steering-oar, body, breath. (Valens, Anthologies, Book IV, Ch. 12, The Names of the Twelve Places, Riley trans., 2010, p. 80)

Signs Contain Micro-Signs

Nearly all Hellenistic astrologers also utilized the twelfth-parts. These are twelfths of the sign that project into other signs. In this division of the zodiac, the first 2.5 degrees of each sign corresponds to the sign itself, while the next corresponds to the next sign, and so forth. These twelfth-parts are neglected today but they are a feature of the zodiac that is almost old as the zodiac itself. The twelfth-parts date back to at least the 5th century BCE.  See my introductory article on the twelfth-parts for more.

The twelfth-part of the rising sign (Ascendant) changes about every 10 minutes of clock time. Someone born at 10 am may have Taurus of Sagittarius rising (i.e the Taurus micro-sign in Sagittarius) while someone born at 10:10 am may have Gemini of Sagittarius rising. The twelfth-parts are one of the most important divisions of the zodiac and they apply to the zodiac as a whole. Not only the rising sign has a micro-sign, but also the signs of the Sun, Moon, and all other chart factors. The twelfth-parts bring in a degree of complexity and nuance that is lacking in popular astrology.

Twelfth-Parts of Aries

Faster Factors are More Personal Factors

The Sun was not symbolic of the personal ego or personality center in ancient astrology. Rather, as discussed in the first lesson, the Sun symbolizes power, popularity, brilliance, and the father. In fact, in many ancient astrologers’ techniques for personality delineation, the Sun plays a minor role or is absent altogether. The faster moving Ascendant, Moon, and Mercury played a greater role. For instance, check out Ptolemy’s instructions for examining “the quality of the soul“.

In a chart, we can see how the Ascendant (rising sign), symbolic of the person, interacts with the Sun, symbolic of power, honors, and brilliance. The Sun does not need to symbolize the person or their ego.

In a nativity the all-seeing sun, nature’s fire and intellectual light, the organ of mental perception, indicates kingship, rule, intellect, intelligence, beauty, motion, loftiness of fortune, the ordinance of the gods, judgement, public reputation, action, authority over the masses, the father, the master, friendship, noble personages, honors consisting of pictures, statues, and garlands, high priesthoods, one’s country other places.   (Valens, Anthologies, Book I, Ch. 1, Riley trans., 2010, p. 1)

Signs are Not Constellations

The 13 Signs of the Zodiac?

You may recall sensational news stories about a 13th sign of the zodiac. Often these stories would be accompanied by click-bait headlines declaring that “you have a new Sun sign”.  These stories were based on the work of an astronomer who was trying to draw some criticism of astrology for its supposed lack of logic.  The idea was that there are 13 constellations which fall on the ecliptic. Recall that the ecliptic is the path of the Earth around the Sun, or from the vantage point of the Earth, it is the path of the Sun around the Earth.

By this astronomer’s logic, since the Sun now passes through 13 constellations, not 12 as in ancient times, there are now 13 signs of the zodiac.  However, he made the mistake of confusing constellations for signs of the zodiac.  His mistake has fostered widespread ignorance regarding the difference between a sign and a constellation. As of this writing, even the Wikipedia entry for the constellation Ophiucus, the so-called 13th sign, now addresses the difference.

Constellations are Groups of Stars, Signs are Mathematical Divisions of the Sky

Constellations are special groupings of stars.  They have been used in astrology for many thousands of years. They are much older than the signs. The twelve zodiacal constellations have varying dates of origin, with Taurus going back as far as the bronze age (4,000 BCE). The twelve constellations on the ecliptic were not regularized into “signs” until about 600 BCE (by the Babylonians).

Signs, unlike constellations, are all equal in size, at exactly 30 degrees each. Constellations dramatically vary in size and traditionally lack clear boundaries.  The signs are mathematical divisions of the sky into a coordinate system to precisely measure the travel of the planets along the path of the ecliptic. Not long after the signs were introduced, the concept of divisions of each sign into twelve micro-signs was also introduced.  Both signs and twelfth-parts are mathematical in nature and not to be confused with the constellations with which they share names.

Stars and Constellations in Ancient Astrology

Stars and constellations were also used in ancient astrology. Some astrologers, such as Manilius and Ptolemy, extensively used the constellations and the stars within them. Sometimes they even used extra-zodiacal constellations (like Ophiucus) to provide additional significations. But these stars and constellations indicate separately from the significations of the signs of the zodiac.

Signs as Feature Bundles

Importance of Equinoxes and Solstices

In the discussion of planetary advancement, we looked at the early importance of planetary alignments at a location among ancient cultures. Those alignments were with the local horizon (Ascendant/Descendant) or meridian (MC/IC). The most important of such alignments were typically those on the days of the solstices and (approximate) equinoxes.  Equinoxes and solstices are important points in the Sun-Earth cycle and also mark seasonal transitions in the year.

Most importantly, the equinoxes mark the intersection of the ecliptic (path of the Sun and classical planets) and the equator (rotational path of the Earth), while the solstices mark the maximum deviation of those paths. In other words, the equinox points are the intersections between the road traveled by the planets (ecliptic) and the road traveled by the Earth (equator), so they are of central importance in traditional geocentric astrology.

Equinox means Equal Daylight and Dark

The equinoxes are the times when the day and the night are of equal length. Day being sunrise to sunset and night being sunset to sunrise. At least this is ideally the case. In actuality, due to refraction and landscape variation, the day and night are usually of slightly different length on the equinoxes. Less controversially, the solstices are the times of the longest day or the shortest day (longest night), as well as the points of sunrise and sunset on the local horizon appeared to stop and change directions. Therefore, the solstice dates could be precisely found by people even many tens of thousands of years ago. The change in the length of day and of daylight is due to the extent to which the northern hemisphere of the Earth is inclined toward or away from the Sun.

The point where the Sun travels farthest north (geocentrically) is the summer solstice. From a modern Sun-centered perspective, it is at that point when the northern half of the Earth is furthest tilted toward the Sun. The point where the Sun travels farthest south is the winter solstice. At that point the northern half of the Earth is tilted furthest away from the Sun.

When the Sun crosses the equator toward the north it is spring equinox.  From a Sun-centered perspective, it is after that point that the northern hemisphere will begin to tilt toward the Sun. The Sun crossing the equator toward the south is autumnal equinox. It is after that point that the north begins to tilt away from the Sun.

Two signs are called equinoctial, the one which is first from the spring equinox, Aries, and the one which begins with the autumnal equinox, Libra; and they too again are named from what happens there, because when the sun is at the beginning of these signs he makes the nights exactly equal to the days. (Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, Robbins trans., 1940, I.11, cam. p. 67)

Beginning in Spring

Hellenistic astrology began in the last couple centuries before the start of the first millennium. At that time, the signs of the zodiac where loosely situated over the constellations from which they are named. However, the zodiac, unlike the constellations, had a starting point. The starting point was the beginning of the sign of Aries, which is the spring equinox.

The zodiac is essentially a circle with no beginning or end, but the sign of Aries is considered to kick things off as it signals the transition to spring in the northern hemisphere.

For this reason, although there is no natural beginning of the zodiac, since it is a circle, they assume that the sign which begins with the vernal equinox, that of Aries, is the starting-point of them all, making the excessive moisture of the spring the first part of the zodiac as though it were a living creature, and taking next in order the remaining seasons, because in all creatures the earliest ages, like the spring, have a larger share of moisture and are tender and still delicate. (Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, Robbins trans., 1940, I.10, cam. p. 61)

Northern Hemisphere Orientation

Horoscopic astrology has a bias for understanding the signs in terms of the northern hemisphere due to originating in that hemisphere. Some find this bias disquieting. However, the northern hemisphere is the dominant hemisphere when it comes to human affairs. The northern hemisphere accounts for more than two-thirds of the habitable land on earth. Additionally, about 90% of humans on Earth live in the northern hemisphere.

More importantly, the association of the sign qualities, both seasonal and constellational, in the early Hellenistic period when this system came about is a foundational moment for this system. The sign associations which often derived from circumstances that held in the particularly era and place of the birth of Hellenistic astrology, nevertheless hold for Hellenistic astrology in our era, despite the shifting of the constellations and the different seasons experienced at different latitudes including south of the equator.

Decomposing Signs into Features

The signs of the zodiac take on their astrological significance by way of a conglomeration of various features.  Some of these features are based upon the yearly solar cycle, reflecting the light, seasons, and calendrical year.  In fact, the most important features used in Hellenistic and Persian astrology are based on this yearly solar cycle. Other features are based upon the images of the constellations, their associations, and the significations of the stars.

Precession

In the centuries that followed the advent of Hellenistic astrology, it migrated to India, where it transformed the astral lore of the subcontinent (see Yavanajataka).  However, the relationship between the seasons and the stars changes over the centuries.  Due to what’s called the precession of the equinoxes, the equinoxes slowly move backward across the backdrop of the constellations. They do this at the rate of about 1 degree every 72 years.  Therefore, in astrology, it becomes necessary to choose whether the features of the constellations or the seasons are key to the nature of the signs.

Two Zodiacs: Which do you choose?

The famous natural philosopher and Hellenistic astrologer, Claudius Ptolemy, of the second century CE, asserted that the signs of the zodiac should be defined by the equinoxes and solstices. In this way, the signs always correspond to the same seasonal light/dark relationship. This is now known as the Tropical Zodiac.

The tropical zodiac was used by Greek astronomers pretty much as soon as the zodiac entered Greece from Babylon in the 5th century BCE. Earlier in that same century comes our earliest evidence of the Babylonian regular twelve sign zodiac of 30 degrees per sign.

From the Babylonian

The Babylonian regular zodiac was derived from the application of the Babylonian ideal soli-lunar calendar. A lunar month is about 30 days (closer to 29.5), and there are 12 lunar months in a year, yielding a 360 day ideal year.  The vernal equinox occurred during the first month of the Babylonian calendar. The Babylonians traditionally used 17-18 zodiacal constellations. In an attempt to correlate the constellations with an ideal calendar of 12 months of 30 days, they first equated groups of constellations with months. This led to a division of the zodiac into 12 regular 30 degree sections, roughly correlated with both the calendar and the unequal constellations (which greatly varied in size). The zodiac started with the constellation in which the equinox occurred (the hired man, which equates to our Aries). However, the Babylonians started the zodiac 8 (System B) and 10 (System A) degrees back from the vernal equinox, where the equinox was supposed to fall in the first month.

The Babylonian zodiac was intended to be both tropical and sidereal. However, the Babylonians did not know about precession. Additionally, accurate calculation of the equinox required a more sophisticated geometrical astronomy than the Babylonians possessed. The Babylonians had studied planetary periods relative to each other (synodic) and to the stars (sidereal), so their mathematical astronomy upon which their tables were based resulted in sidereal positions. By contrast, over time their calculation of the equinox was off (equinox was no longer at 8 degree sidereal Aries).

Tropical

The ancient Greek astronomers were geometrically oriented. They could calculate a precise equinox. Many notable Greek astronomers and astrologers placed the start of the zodiac at the equinox as soon as the zodiac entered Greece. Initially they did so for reasons independent of precession, namely that it made more sense to them to start the zodiac right at an important juncture in the relationship between Earth and sky, rather than 8 degrees from it. The tropical zodiac became the dominant zodiac of sophisticated Greek astronomy. The Antikythera Mechanism (2nd or 1st century BCE), is the first mechanical computer and is believed to have been used for astrology. It was based on sophisticated Greek geometrical astronomy, including tropical zodiac calculations.

The work of Hipparchus on precession was not widely known until some time after Ptolemy (2nd century CE) popularized it. Many early Hellenistic astrologers (most notably Thrasyllus and Vettius Valens) show evidence of having believed the equinox was at 8 degrees Aries. They did so at a time when the zodiacs had shifted so much that the tropical and sidereal zodiacs were nearly aligned. In other words, they erroneously believed the vernal equinox was at 8 degrees Aries at a time when the equinox was around 1-3 degrees of sidereal Aries. We do know that Valens used updated sidereal tables for his positional calculations, so this is further evidence for the lack of knowledge of precession. In other words, many early Hellenistic astrologers, like the Babylonians, thought their zodiac was fixed both tropically and sidereally. Their tables derived from the sidereal periods which were easier to come by and didn’t depend on sophisticated Greek geometry. For more details on these matters and the history of the zodiac, please see the article “Why Use the Tropical Zodiac?“.

East and West Diverge

Following Hipparchus’ discovery of precession (2nd century BCE) and Ptolemy’s advocacy of the tropical zodiac (Almagest; 2nd century CE) on the basis of precession, western astrologers adopted the old Greek standard of starting the zodiac at the vernal equinox. By and large astrologers no longer poorly imitated the original Babylonian zodiac or asserted the equinox was at 8 Aries. Neither did they use a sidereal zodiac marked by way of a reference star.

By contrast, in India, the trend of defining the zodiac by way of a reference star prevailed. Today, it is usually Spica which marks the beginning of Libra. This Sidereal Zodiac ensures that the signs always loosely overlay the constellations for which they are named.

Today, the choice of two zodiacs has caused quite a stir. Astrologers in the west often choose the Tropical Zodiac simply because they are western. Those in India choose the Sidereal Zodiac simply because they are Indian.  Arguments made for the Tropical Zodiac typically include the readily apparent effect that the Sun’s passage through the zodiac has on life on Earth as exemplified in the seasons.  Arguments made for the Sidereal Zodiac typically include the fact that its signs still loosely overlay the constellations for which the signs are named.

The Origin of Features Matter

My opinion is that the debate is wrongly framed.  In ancient astrology, the signs are defined by bundles of various features.  One of the most important of these features is the rulership of signs by planets.  This feature is almost certainly tropical in origin. By “tropical” I mean it is based on associations with the solar year and the seasons which are functions of the relationship between the eliptic and equator as marked out by the equinoctial and solstitial points.

The Lights (Sun and Moon) are assigned the signs of summer in the northern hemisphere (Cancer for the Moon and Leo for the Sun, approx. June 21st to August 21st). Saturn, the lord of darkness and cold, is assigned to the signs opposite. These are the signs of winter in the northern hemisphere (Capricorn and Aquarius, approx. December 21st to February 20th).  These rulerships originated with the signs, not the constellations, and are clearly related to the seasons. Therefore, the planetary rulerships are intimately tied to the tropical zodiac.

A Place for Two Zodiacs?

It is possible that the sidereal zodiac is more appropriate for some purposes in astrology than the tropical zodiac.  Since the signs signify in terms of their features it’s instructive for us to divide the features into two types: those derived from the tropical cycle and those derived from the constellations.  The tropical zodiac is the appropriate zodiac for the most commonly used significations in ancient Hellenistic and Persian astrology. However, there are important significations which appear to be sidereal in origin.

Perhaps we should use two zodiacs, one for signifying the tropical features and another for signifying the sidereal ones. It is possible, though in practice I use the tropical zodiac for both. Zodiac features are symbolic and the two zodiacs roughly coincided around the birth of Hellenistic astrology. I take the tropical features as more fundamental. They reflect the important role the annual calendar played in their being 12 signs of 30 degrees starting with Aries in the first place. The constellations were fitted to the 12 idealized solar months, rather than the other way around (the Babylonian zodiac was 17-18 constellations). Therefore, I view it as the constellations lending their names and associations to the tropical signs at the birth of the zodiac. But let’s look at the iconic origins of various sign features.

Tropical Sign Features

Domicile and Exaltation Rulerships

As noted, the most important sign feature that is tropical in origin is that of sign rulership. These are rather systematic, with the signs of the Sun and Moon adjacent to each other and marking the peak of summer. The other 5 planets get two signs each straddling those of the Sun and Moon based on planetary speed. By this arrangement, the signs of Saturn are opposite those of the Lights.

Take a Few Minutes to Learn the Signs

If you are unfamiliar with the glyphs of the signs and the planets, you should take a couple days to familiarize yourself with them. You can find flashcards for planetary glyphs, helpful mnemonics for signs, and there’s more help here with a video.

The Domiciles of the Planets

In the image below, you can see that the Moon rules Cancer and the Sun rules Leo. Mercury is the fastest of the 5 other planets and it rules Gemini and Virgo. These are the signs on either side of those of the Sun and Moon. Venus is the next fastest and she rules Taurus and Libra, Those are on either side of those of Mercury. Mars rules Aries and Scorpio which are on either side of those of Venus. Jupiter rules Pisces and Sagittarius which are on either side of those of Mars. Saturn, the slowest, rules Aquarius and Capricorn which are on either side of those of Jupiter, and opposite the signs of the Lights.

Signs are the Houses of the Planets

The signs are domiciles of their rulers. Domicile means house. So the signs are the houses which belong to the planets. For example, if someone was born with Cancer rising then they have the Moon’s house rising. Cancer would be considered the 1st House of the chart and the Moon, ruler of Cancer, would be the ruler of this 1st House. The ruler is viewed as the owner and major player in affairs pertaining to the 1st House.  Similarly, the next sign to rise, Leo, would be the 2nd House, with its ruler, the Sun, as the ruler of the 2nd House. This continues in the order of the rising of the signs in a chart.

Houses and zones of the stars [are what] they term the 12 twelfths of the zodiac, which they also call signs. Of these, the most northerly and closest to us are given to the luminaries–to the Moon, Cancer; and to the Sun, Leo. And [then] in order to the one nearest them, Mercury, [they give] Gemini and Virgo; after which, to Venus, Taurus and Libra; then, to Mars, Aries and Scorpio; then, to Jupiter, Sagittarius and Pisces; then to Saturn, the one farthest from us, Capricorn and Aquarius. (Porphyry, Holden trans., 2009, Ch. 5, p. 9)

Planetary Houses and Planetary Spheres

Recall from the lesson on the planets that the Moon is the closest to Earth, while Saturn is farthest away. Porphyry’s quote above highlights the fact that the Moon’s house is the one that is the closest to us in the northern hemisphere. It starts with the point where the ecliptic hits its northernmost point. This is the same place where the Sun marks summer solstice. By contrast, the first house of Saturn, Capricorn, starts where the ecliptic is farthest away its southernmost point. Capricorn starts at the position where the Sun marks winter solstice. In this way, the Moon’s house is marked by the closest point and Saturn’s by the point farthest away, mirroring their distance from Earth.

Meaning of Domicile

The planets have a connection with, an influence upon, and a responsibility to their houses. The planets want to be able to see or monitor their houses (this is done by configuration, the topic of the next lesson). When they see their houses they can more directly influence the affairs of their houses. A planet has the most direct influence on the affairs of the house it is in. So a planet in its own house is less dependent on circumstance. It is more independent and unencumbered in its indications. Such a planet will be less dependent upon and influenced by the relationships it has with other planets, for good or ill.

In Lessons 6 and 7, we will learn how to assign responsibility for various topical areas of life to the houses. The rulers of a house, especially the domicile lord, influence the manner in which these topics are indicated to manifest in the life.

Sign Gender

Each sign is either masculine and diurnal or feminine and nocturnal. This distinction is derived from the domiciles of the Sun and Moon. The Moon’s domicile, Cancer, is feminine and nocturnal. The Sun’s domicile, Leo, is masculine and diurnal. The signs then alternate in order as masculine/diurnal and feminine/nocturnal. I’ll just state them as diurnal or nocturnal, but know that diurnal signs were also said to be masculine, and nocturnal ones were said to be feminine. So, the next sign, Virgo, is nocturnal, then Libra is diurnal, Scorpio is nocturnal, Sagittarius is diurnal, Capricorn is nocturnal, Aquarius is diurnal, Pisces is nocturnal, Aries is diurnal, Taurus is nocturnal, and Gemini is diurnal.

Note that air and fire can lighten and rise, as this will help you to remember that Air and Fire signs are diurnal/masculine. Water and earth can darken and sink. Water and Earth signs are nocturnal/feminine. For more on the elements, see the discussion of triplicity below.

There are 12 houses. The Sun has a masculine or diurnal house (Leo) and the Moon has a feminine or nocturnal one (Cancer). What about the other 5 planets and the remaining 10 houses? Each of the 5 non-luminary planets has two houses, a day house (diurnal) and a night house (nocturnal).

Meaning of Sign Gender

Diurnal signs are symbolic of masculine and extroverted or overt traits related to a set of indications. Nocturnal signs are symbolic of feminine and introverted or covert traits related to a set of indications. However, sign gender is only a minor indication of introversion and extroversion.

Modern Sign Associations: Ruler Plus Gender

I bring up the gender of the signs because the modern associations of the signs largely derive from the domicile lord plus the gender of the sign. Although, three signs have some associations which also derive from their modern planetary ruler (Uranus with Aquarius, Neptune with Pisces, Pluto with Scorpio).

Associations such as those of Leo with leadership and confidence (Sun) and Cancer with sentimentality and emotion (Moon) come right from the rulers. Furthermore, compare the playfully clever and curious Gemini of modern descriptions (extroverted Mercury) with the critical and self-deprecating Virgo (introverted Mercury). Taurus is described as slow and sensual (introverted Venus) while Libra is harmonious and indecisive (extroverted Venus). Aries is pioneering and loud (extroverted Mars) while Scorpio is touchy and strategic (introverted Mars). Sagittarius is adventurous and optimistic (extroverted Jupiter) while Pisces is dreamy and mystical (introverted Jupiter). Capricorn is conservative and managerial (introverted Saturn) while Aquarius is independent and stubborn (extroverted Saturn).

A Note on Modern Sign Associations

If you’ve been exposed to a lot of modern astrology, as I have, then the modern associations of the signs, derived from their rulers, will immediately jump out at you. However, I would avoid thinking of the signs this way. Think of the signs instead based on the other features discussed here. The ruler’s influence on the nature of a specific house will vary according to whether it is in the house, configured to the house, and the relationship of the house to other planets. There is more to the signs in any given chart than the ruler and the gender of the house, so please consider all of the sign features explored in this lesson.

Exaltations of the Planets

Each of the planets also has a sign that is said to be its exaltation or kingdom. The motivation for this is not as clear, but appears to also be based on tropical considerations. The exaltations center around the signs of the equinoxes and solstices.  For instance, the Sun and Moon are associated with the signs of spring in the exaltations.

The signs in which the planets are exalted. The specific degrees of exaltation were considered to be the most exalted positions.

Exaltations Emphasize the Equinoxes and Solstices

The Sun is exalted in the sign of the spring equinox (Aries). The exaltations of the Moon (Taurus) and Venus (Pisces) straddle that sign. Saturn is exalted in the sign of the autumnal equinox (Libra), which is opposite that of the Sun. Mercury is exalted in a sign that straddles that sign (Virgo). Jupiter is exalted in the sign of the summer solstice (Cancer). Mars is exalted in the sign of the winter solstice (Capricorn).

Therefore, the four slowest planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, and the Sun are all exalted at the four signs that start with the equinoxes and solsitices (Aries, Libra, Cancer, Capricorn). The other three planets are all exalted at signs which straddle one of the equinoctial signs (straddle Aries or Libra).

Additionally, Porphyry noted that the signs of exaltation are in configuration to the domiciles. The diurnal planets (Sun, Jupiter, and Saturn) are exalted in a sign that is trine to one of their houses. The exaltations of the nocturnal planets (Moon, Venus, and Mars) are sextile to one of their domiciles. Configurations are the topic of the next lesson, so don’t worry too much about this at this time.

Meaning of Exaltation

The exaltation is a house where the planet is given more power and freedom to act. The planet is a celebrated guest of honor. The sign opposite a planet’s exaltation was called its fall or descension. The house of its fall was considered a place where a planet is more downtrodden in its significations, like an unwelcome guest. I personally liken the effect to the planet being given aid or freedom to realize its significations (for good or ill). Similarly, the house of a planet’s fall is a house where it is being disadvantaged or restricted (fall).

And the signs opposite the exaltations are their falls, in which they have weaker powers. (Porphyry, Holden trans., 2009, Ch. 6, p. 10)

Exaltation Lords are Rulers Too

The planet who has its exaltation in a house was also considered to be a ruler of the house. An exaltation ruler also has the ability to aid in the managing of the affairs symbolized by the house.

They are said to be co-ruler with each other, whenever it is their domicile or their exaltation. (Porphyry, Holden trans., 2009, Ch. 7, p. 10)

Avoid Detriment and Point Systems

Some astrologers use a similar concept for the signs opposite a planet’s domicile, calling them the “detriment” of the planet. This concept of detriment did not figure into Hellenistic astrology as a distinct or widespread concept. The notable figures of Hellenistic astrology didn’t use detriment and I don’t advise using it either.

Starting in the late medieval period and continuing to this day, many astrologers have assigned point values to the different forms of rulership. This is a practice started by a medieval Persian astrologer, based loosely on a technique by Ptolemy . However, in Ptolemy’s technique he gave each ruler and each aspecting planet one point, rather than having a weighted point system with a stress on sign placement like the medieval system.  I find this to be more misleading than useful and I strongly advise against the practice.

Quadruplicity and Stakes

Quadruplicity is a fancy word for a grouping of four signs. This very important concept creates three types of signs. Signs of each type form a cross pattern. These features are tropical in nature, as they divide each season into 3 parts, a beginning, middle, and end, with distinct features.

Cardinal Signs

The cardinal signs are those which start with an equinox or solstice. The cardinal signs are also called the changeable, moveable, tropical, or equinoctial signs. They mark the turning of a new season, and thus a bold step in a new direction. Cardinal signs are associated with frequent change, boldness, and fast initiation. However, they are not associated with depth or staying power. Mercury in a cardinal sign was considered good for oratory ability, as cardinal signs signify quickness and bold projection.

The cardinal signs are as follows: Aries (0 degrees Aries is the point of the spring or vernal equinox); Cancer (0 degrees Cancer is the point of the summer solstice); Libra (0 degrees Libra is the point of the autumnal equinox); Capricorn (0 degrees Capricorn is the point of the winter solstice).

Fixed Signs

Each cardinal sign is followed by a fixed sign. These are also called the solid signs.  These are the signs at the heart of the season when things are most stabilized.  The fixed signs are associated with steadiness, staying power, slowness, thoroughness, and depth.  They are the signs which Dorotheus (1st century CE) recommended emphasizing in choosing times for important endeavors. Dorotheus recommended their use in elections because they signified carrying things to completion and making them last.  Mercury in these signs was thought to signify depth in thought and possible writing ability. The fixed signs are Taurus, Leo, Scorpio, and Aquarius.

Mutable Signs

Each fixed sign is then followed by a mutable sign. These are also called the common or twin signs.  These signs are said to participate in two seasons. They mix the season that is drawing to a close with the coming season.  For this reason, they are dualistic and signify complication, confusion, exchange, and mediation.  In electional astrology, they were believed to signify a need for additional conditions to be met (i.e. things getting more complicated) but were helpful in elections where socializing was desired.  Mercury in these signs was thought to be a bad indication for intellect by some astrologers. This is because mutable signs are unstable, prone to confusion and frustration.  The mutable signs are Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius, and Pisces.

The Stakes

The signs of the same quadruplicity as the rising sign are known as the stakes, angles, or pivots of the chart.  These are the most important houses of the chart, as their topics are the cornerstones of life.  “Stakes” is the preferred translation given by Ben Dykes, Ph.D. for “kentra” (spike, prick), the Greek term for these places. These places operate to fix the sky (signs) to a location with four corners like stakes are used to fasten a tent.

Four Key Topics

The stakes of a birth chart are those houses which form a cross with the rising sign. The rising sign is the 1st House, pertaining to the individual/body. The 10th House, pertaining to the career/attainments is an important stake of the 1st House. The 7th House, opposite the first, pertains to marriage/partners. The last stake is the 4th House, pertaining to family/home. We will return to the assignment of life topics to the houses in Lesson Six.

Stakes of a Chart; Stakes of a Planet

Planets in the stakes of a birth chart have a type of personal prominence. They have a strong influence upon the person, as they are in the house of an important area of life. These houses are also strongly configured to the rising sign (the next lesson explores configurations).

We can also use the term “stake” for any house that forms part of a cross with it. In other words, a sign’s stakes are those signs of the same quadruplicity (cardinal, fixed, mutable). While the stakes of the chart are those signs in the same quadruplicity as the rising sign, the stakes of another house or planet in the chart are those signs of the same quadruplicity as that house or planet. Those stakes are particularly influential upon the house or planet, much like the stakes of the chart are influential in the life of the individual.

Barack Obama’s Chart Stakes and Quadruplicity

Barack Obama has the sign of Aquarius rising, which is a fixed sign. The fixed signs are Aquarius, Scorpio, Leo, and Taurus.  Barack has Jupiter in Aquarius, the 1st House.  He also has the Sun and Mercury in Leo.  Therefore, Jupiter, the Sun, and Mercury are in the stakes of the chart and are directly operative in particularly important areas of life.

Obama has Aquarius rising, which is a diurnal/masculine sign ruled by Saturn.  Saturn is in Capricorn which is a cardinal sign.  Other cardinal signs include Cancer, Libra, and Aries.  Only Venus is also in a cardinal sign, Cancer. Therefore, Venus is the only planet in one of the stakes of Saturn’s position.

Triplicity and Elemental Lords

Triplicity is similar to quadruplicity but signifies groupings of three signs.  These are 4 groups of signs that are in triangular relationships to each other (trine each other).  Today these 4 groups are identified by the elements: Fire, Earth, Air, and Water.

In early Hellenistic astrology, the triplicities were originally associated with the winds and directions rather than the elements. However, here I will label the triplicities by element as is commonly done. There are three signs in each triplicity or element. Each element has one cardinal sign, one fixed sign, and one mutable sign.

Triplicity is Tropical

Triplicity is of tropical origin as it was originally associated with the directions. The tropical signs are fixed in terms of their direction. In fact, this is built into our concepts of the Tropic of Cancer and the Tropic of Capricorn. The Sun reaches its greatest northern latitude (the Tropic of Cancer) on the summer solstice, which marks the beginning of the sign Cancer. The Sun reaches its greatest southern latitude (the Tropic of Capricorn) on the winter solstice, which marks the beginning of the sign Capricorn. The sidereal signs are not directionally fixed with relation to the Earth, as the direction of a given sign shifts over time due to precession.

Triplicity Rulers

The triangles are also associated with another system of rulership, called the triplicity rulers. Each triangular set of signs has three triplicity rulers. An element is associated with one planetary ruler by day, another by night, and a third which is a lesser participant. The triplicity ruler of the sect of the chart was typically used to signify the primary and initial influence. Triplicity rulers were akin to a support network of friends and family, helping one to achieve what could be impossible on one’s own.

Triplicity and Timing

Triplicity lords were often used to show the timing of greater and lesser support from others in one’s life. This could allow one to look at how some states of affairs (such as a relationship) could change over time. The first triplicity lord (the one of sect) showed the initial support. The ruler of the other sect showed the secondary influence. This secondary influence was usually thought to take over after the minor years of the first lord or the ascensional time of the sign occupied by the first triplicity lord.  At least in Medieval astrology, the third lord came to signify the final nature of support, though we don’t see significant evidence of this in the Hellenistic period.

Triplicity as Reinforcement

Additionally, when a planet was in a sign which it ruled by triplicity then it was seen as having some extended support which could make it more prominent or reinforced in its significations. For instance, a planet in triplicity (or house, exaltation, or bound) might be protected from any weakening effect of being under the beams of the Sun.

The Fire Triplicity

The Fire triplicity has Aries as its cardinal sign, Leo as its fixed sign, and Sagittarius as its mutable sign. It is a masculine and diurnal (day) triplicity. Its rulers are the Sun by day and Jupiter by night, with Saturn participating. The Fire triplicity is particularly associated with power and leadership. Fire signs are associated with the east because their cardinal sign Aries is to the right of the northernmost sign, Cancer.

The sun, being fiery, is most related to Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius, and this triangle of the sun is called “of the day-sect” because it too is fiery by nature. The sun has attached Jupiter and Saturn to this sect as his co-workers and guardians of the things which he accomplishes […]. Therefore the sun is the lord of this triangle for day births; for night births Jupiter succeeds to the throne; Saturn works with both. (Valens, Anthologies, Book II, Ch. 1, Riley trans., 2010, p. 25)

The Earth Triplicity

The Earth triplicity has Capricorn as its cardinal sign, Taurus as its fixed sign, and Virgo as its mutable sign. It is a feminine and nocturnal (night) triplicity. Its triplicity lords are the Moon by night and Venus by day, with Mars participating. The Earth triplicity is particularly associated with the working of the land.  Earth signs are associated with the south because Capricorn marks the winter solstice which is at the southernmost point on the ecliptic.

Next the moon, being near the earth, is allotted the houserulership of Taurus, Virgo, and Capricorn, a triangle earthy in nature and the next in order. It has Venus and Mars as members of the same sect […]. Therefore for night births the moon has preeminence; in the second place is Venus; in the third is Mars. For day births Venus will lead; the moon will operate second; Mars, third. (Valens, Anthologies, Book II, Ch. 1, Riley trans., 2010, p. 25)

The Air Triplicity

The Air triplicity has Libra as its cardinal sign, Aquarius as its fixed sign, and Gemini as its mutable sign. It is a masculine and diurnal (day) triplicity. Its rulers are Saturn by day and Mercury by night, with Jupiter participating. The Air triplicity is particularly associated with culture and movement. Air signs are associated with the west because their cardinal sign, Libra, is right of the southernmost sign, Capricorn.

Next is the airy triangle of Gemini, Libra, and Aquarius. For day births Saturn will rule this; Mercury will operate second; Jupiter, third. For night births Mercury will lead; Saturn will come second; Jupiter, third. (Valens, Anthologies, Book II, Ch. 1, Riley trans., 2010, p. 25)

The Water Triplicity

The Water triplicity has Cancer as its cardinal sign, Scorpio as its fixed sign, and Pisces as its mutable sign. It is a feminine and nocturnal (night) triplicity. Its rulers are Mars by night,  and Venus by day, with the Moon participating.  The Water triplicity is particularly associated with all things water.  Water signs are associated with the north because Cancer marks the summer solstice which is at the northernmost point on the ecliptic.

In the same fashion, next is the moist triangle of Cancer, Scorpio, and Pisces. Mars will have the houserulership for night births; in the second place is Venus; in the third the moon. For day births Venus will lead; after it comes Mars; then the moon. (Valens, Anthologies, Book II, Ch. 1, Riley trans., 2010, p. 25)

An Example with Rulership, Quadruplicity, Stakes, and Triplicity

Bill Clinton’s Natal Chart

Cardinal Stakes with Mars, Venus, and Jupiter Advancing

Bill Clinton has the sign of Libra rising as the 1st House (the self).  The stakes of the chart are cardinal, and they are Libra (1st House), Cancer (10th House), Aries (7th House), and Capricorn (4th House). Only Libra is occupied, with Mars, Venus, and Jupiter all in it and advancing. Mars is prominent on the Ascendant.

We expect him to have a very Mars-y life, one that is in a sense quite combative and competitive due to Mars in the 1st and on the Ascendant.  Also, we generally expect Mars, Venus, and Jupiter to directly signify in relation to more important matters in the life (stakes).  As Venus and Jupiter are benefic, they tend to bring success and fortune circumstances to the significations of Mars. The Ascendant, Mars, Venus, and Jupiter are all ruled by Venus, so we expect the self to be strongly influenced by aesthetics and sexuality, especially with Venus in the actual 1st House.

Cardinal and Air Rising with Venus and Mars Together

Venus and Mars are out of sect, and Mars, as a malefic, signals trouble in relation to Venusian matters (cardinal is bold and impulsive).  His initial aspirations to be a professional musician are also very clearly shown by the presence of Venus and her rulership of the 1st.  Libra is a cardinal sign, so we expect a bold expressive character. The planets in the 1st House also make their more important expressions in terms of boldness and rapidly sweeping changes in circumstances.  The 1st House is an air sign, so we might expect the self and the planets in the 1st to have a strong connection with thought and movement.

Saturn with the Sun and Mercury in Fixed Leo

Clinton was born during the day and Libra is the exaltation of Saturn. Also, Saturn is the triplicity lord of Libra (an all air signs) by day. Therefore, we expect Saturn to have some influence over 1st House matters as well.

Saturn is in Leo, a fixed, fire sign, signifying steadfastness (fixed) and leadership (fire). Saturn is also with the Sun in the same house, and the Sun rules the sign Leo and the fire triplicity by day. Therefore, the solar influence (which is of power, exposure, prominence) is very strong.  Saturn is also with Mercury, the planet of intellect. Saturn, Mercury, and the Sun are in a fixed sign, so they signify in a more stable and progressive, less episodic, manner. As they are all with each other they mix their significations of leadership and honors (Sun) with struggle, authority, and discipline (Saturn), as well as communication, commerce, and analysis (Mercury).

Other Tropical Features

Rising Times and Symmetry

There are a great many additional features of signs that are tropical in origin but of less importance.  For instance, whether signs were of short or long ascension (i.e. taking more or less than 2 hours to rise) was an important consideration in choosing times for actions according to Dorotheus. Similarly, there are relationships which pertained to signs and degrees mirroring each other (i.e. equidistant) across the points of the equinoxes and solstices (see my article on symmetry).

Northern and Southern Signs

Additionally, the Persians spoke of the southern signs (Libra thru Pisces) as being cold while the northern signs (Aries thru Virgo) were hot. In this case, both the directions and the temperatures are a reference to the tropical cycle.

Seasonal Quarters

The signs were also divided up into seasonal quarters. Spring signs (Aries, Taurus, Gemini) are hot, moist, infant-like, and sanguine. Summer signs (Cancer, Leo, Virgo) are hot, dry, young, and choleric. Autumn signs (Libra, Scorpio, Sagittarius) are cold, dry, middle-aged, and melancholic. Winter signs (Capricorn, Aquarius, Pisces) are cold, moist, elderly, and phlegmatic.

Note on Tropical Features

These other features of the signs are not used as commonly as those cited in the previous section, so we won’t explore them in depth. However, I note them because they figure into some techniques of Hellenistic astrology. Planetary rulership, exaltation rulership, triplicity, quadruplicity, sign gender, ascensional times, sign symmetry, the division into northern and southern signs, and the seasonal quarters all relate to the tropical cycle. Therefore, most of the features of the zodiac that are most important to us in Hellenistic astrological chart work should rely upon the tropical zodiac.

Main Sidereal Features

Image Associations

The Greek word for sign, zoidion, meant image or species. Indeed some of the features of the signs are direct associations with the species of thing that is imaged by the corresponding constellation.  For instance, Dorotheus noted that an eclipse in Aries would likely affect sheep, while one in Sagittarius would affect horses, and so forth.

Additionally, there are some sign classifications that pertain to the imaged category or species of the signs. For instance, some signs are four-footed, others lack a voice (because they image animals lacking a voice), and some are rational (because they include an image of a person).

These sign associations are used less often than rulership, quadruplicity, and triplicity, but they are important to some techniques.  I believe it is an open question as to whether the sidereal zodiac (or even the constellations themselves) would be a more appropriate zodiac to use for these types of considerations.

Surya surrounded by the signs of the zodiac. Himachal Pradesh Court, India ca. 1830

Star Cluster Delineations

Certain segments and degrees of signs have distinct significations in many Hellenistic texts, based on stars and segments of constellations.  Such delineations are prominent in many Hellenistic authors, including Valens, Ptolemy, and Maternus.  However, very little has been done to revive the use of such material. This material is truly sidereal in origin. The sidereal zodiac or even the constellations themselves are more appropriate to this type of delineation than the tropical zodiac.

Decans

There is an Egyptian division of the signs into thirds, called the decans. The decans were used for time-keeping in ancient Egypt. As the decans were based on the rising of 36 different star clusters, they are a star-based (sidereal) division.

Lunar Mansions

The nakshatras, a division of the sky into 27-28 lunar mansions, have been used in India since before the arrival of Hellenistic astrology. They are associated with star clusters which the Moon passes through over its 27-28 day monthly cycle. They are probably not appropriate for use with the tropical zodiac. A similar lunar cycle division into 28 mansions also appeared in ancient Chinese astrology. In Arabic medieval astral magic, a 28-mansion division derived from the Indian nakshatras was used.

Celestial map with the signs of the zodiac and the lunar mansions from a 16th-century Turkish manuscript.

Bounds or Terms

There is one last division of the signs which we need to address. It is one which we will be using in future lessons. The bounds or terms are divisions of each sign into 5 segments. Each of the five non-luminary planets rules one of the segments (bounds) in each sign. As each sign is a planet’s house, think of the bounds as five rooms of the house. Each room belongs to a planet (except the Sun and Moon).

The bounds are unequal divisions of the signs. No one knows the rationale behind this division of the zodiac. Some authors (including Ptolemy) proposed multiple systems of dividing the signs into bounds. However, the most widespread and the oldest (see this article on pre-Hellenistic evidence for bounds), are the Egyptian bounds.

Download a Bounds Reference Chart

Project Hindsight provides a convenient rulership tables PDF which includes the Egyptian bounds (and other rulers).  If I’m online and need to look up bounds quickly, I typically check the Altair Astrology page for his article on bounds, as it has an easy-to-read table. Additionally, the bounds are displayed in almost all charts on this site, as I use the Valens software (a version of Morinus) or Traditional Morinus. Both programs allow one to view the bounds within the chart.

Conclusion

Two Zodiacs Revisited

In conclusion, both the tropical and the sidereal zodiacs have their own motivations. We are primarily concerned with significations that are tropical in nature. However, the western astrologer may be missing out on a chunk of significations which are sidereal in origin. The sidereal zodiac appears best suited for image associations and delineations of degrees and clusters influenced by stars and constellations.  Perhaps one day we will come to find some happy synthesis in the use of both zodiacs for those domains where they are most appropriate. For now, I will stick with the tropical zodiac for use in these lessons.

Homework

You now have many new tools to work with. The rising sign is particularly symbolic of the person, so take a look at the sign of the Ascendant, and that of the Moon, in various charts. Pick apart the possible significations based on the features of the signs. Look at which planets are in the rising sign and which are with the Moon.

Next, take a look at the rulers of the Ascendant. The domicile ruler pertains more to the character and spirit of the person while the Ascendant itself pertains more to the body and temperament. Examine the nature of the rulers and how they are affected by the significations of the sign. How might character and bodily temperament change over the life based on the triplicity lords of the rising sign and those of its ruler?

You also have an additional planetary prominence consideration, that of a planet being in the stakes.  Think about how a planet in a stake may impact a person. Even a planet that is not prominent in a general way may have a very strong influence over important matters in the person’s life by virtue of being in a stake.  In such cases, you’ll find the influence of the planet more focused in those areas of life, and less pervasive and broad in its significations.

 

References
Ma’shar, A., & Al-Qabisi. (2010). Introductions to Traditional Astrology. (B. N. Dykes, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press.
Porphyry, & Serapio. (2009). Porphyry the Philosopher. (J. H. Holden, Trans.). Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers.
Ptolemy, C. (1940). Ptolemy: Tetrabiblos. (F. E. Robbins, Trans.). Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library. Retrieved from http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Ptolemy/Tetrabiblos/home.html

Valens, V. (2010). Anthologies. (M. Riley, Trans.) (Online PDF.). World Wide Web: Mark Riley. Retrieved from http://www.csus.edu/indiv/r/rileymt/Vettius%20Valens%20entire.pdf

 

Image Attributions

Featured image of the Dendera zodiac (cropped)by Louvre Museum [GFDL (http://www.gnu.org/copyleft/fdl.html) or CC BY 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons

Twelfth-parts of Aries image by groupuscule (Own work) [CC BY-SA 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0)], via Wikimedia Commons

Domicile rulerhips and Exaltation rulerships images are by Meredith Garstin (Meredith Garstin) [CC BY-SA 3.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0) or GFDL (http://www.gnu.org/copyleft/fdl.html)], via Wikimedia Commons

Image of Surya surrounded by the signs of the zodiac is in the public domain. 

Celestial map image from the Zubdat-al Tawarikh in the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts in Istanbul, dedicated to Sultan Murad III in 1583 (in the public domain).

 

Astrological Sign Classifications | 4. Lustful Signs

Introduction

Scorpio often gets a bad rap in modern astrology for being particularly sexually intense.  To be fair, connections between Venus as sexuality and Mars as passion and energy-overload could pertain to lust in ancient astrology.  Therefore, a case might be made for an augmented sex drive associated with Venus in a sign of Mars (such as Scorpio).  However, it is worth noting that in Hellenistic astrology there was a particular set of signs identified as being more lustful than others, and Scorpio was typically not one of them.  In this article, I’ll be briefly discussing which signs these were and how they were used to indicate “wanton” or “excessive” sexual behavior.

The Lustful Signs

Dorotheus (1st century CE)

Aries, Taurus, Capricorn, and Pisces comprise the early list of lustful signs given by Dorotheus (1st century CE).

“If Venus is in one of the signs of desire, which abound in lust (they are Aries, Capricorn, Pisces, and Taurus), and Venus is under the [Sun’s] rays with Saturn or Mars, then this indicates [something] like what I told you of the act of scandals; [it indicates] similarly if you find Venus in what I named for you of the signs of desire and one of the two malefics, Saturn and Mars, is overcoming it [Venus] from quartile.” (Dorotheus, Book II,. Ch. 7, #5, Pingree trans., 2005, p. 206)

For Dorotheus it was the position of Venus in one of these signs which was significant. Scandal was indicated when this was the case and she was either dominated by a malefic (right side square) or with a malefic and under the beams. The basic idea is to be mindful of whether Venus is maltreated by malefics while in one of these lustful signs. If so, then the afflictions pertaining to the malefic influence are more likely to pertain to unrestrained sexuality.

Valens (2nd century CE)

Vetius Valens noted that “lurking” signs and degrees can indicate perversity when pertaining to Venus-Saturn aspects. However, only Capricorn was described as lurking by Valens. He also never explained how a set of degrees could be lurking. My own interpretive suggestion would be to consider the lustful signs as noted by Dorotheus, as well as the lustful twelfth-parts of the signs.

“If these stars [Venus and Saturn] are in “lurking” signs or degrees, men enjoy impure passions and unnatural pleasures.” (Valens, Book II, Ch. 17P, Riley trans., 2010, p. 33)

Ptolemy (2nd century CE)

Ptolemy did not give a list of lustful signs, but did note incest as a possible indication for Venus being in the same sign of Mars when that sign was Capricorn or Pisces. Mercury in the same sign additionally indicated notoriety.

“Therefore Venus, with Mars, produces merely amorous dispositions, but if Mercury is present, notoriety also; in the common and familiar signs, Capricorn and Pisces, unions with brethren or kindred.” (Ptolemy, Book IV, Ch. 5, Robbins trans., 1940, p. 401)

Firmicus Maternus (4th century CE)

Maternus noted Aries as a lustful but his descriptions for most of the other signs are missing in the surviving manuscripts. He did, however, often associate Aries and Capricorn with excesses of lust (and sometimes homosexuality). He associated, Aries, Capricorn, and Taurus with sexual vices in at least one passage (Book VII, Ch. XXV, #20). Most of his material on sexuality is in Book VII, Ch. XXV, but there are also stray mentions of degrees, terms, and other zodiacal divisions associated with lust and perversion in the relevant sections.

Hephaistio of Thebes (5th century CE)

Hephaistio did not provide a list of lustful signs. However, in his descriptions of the signs he characterized only Leo as licentious.

Rhetorius (6th-7th century CE)

Leo is added to the list of Rhetorius (perhaps from Hephaistio), as well as Libra noted to a lesser extent.

“The lecherous signs are Aries, Taurus, Leo, Capricorn in part, and Pisces; and Libra because the [constellation of the] Goat rises with it.” (Rhetorius, Ch. 76, Holden trans., 2009, p. 125)

However, in another section, speaking only of the placement of Venus, he associates the domiciles of Saturn and Mars with lechery generally when the malefics aspect Venus.

“Venus in Capricorn or Pisces or Scorpio or Taurus aspected by Saturn or Mars makes lechers, especially [if she is] under the sunbeams. Venus in the domicile of Saturn or Mars [and] aspected by them makes lechers.” (Rhetorius, Ch. 66, Holden trans., 2009, p. 121)

Note that the early Hellenistic astrologers stressed Aries, Taurus, Capricorn, and Pisces. Therefore, we should be somewhat cautious with Rhetorius whose two lists combine to 8 signs taking up two-thirds of the zodiac.

Lustful Decans
Venus in Decans

Rhetorius also associated the following decans with lechery, particularly if Venus were placed in one, and she were out of sect or otherwise afflicted (Ch. 68): 1st of Aries; 2nd of Gemini, 1st of Leo; 3rd of Leo; 1st of Libra; 1st of Scorpio; 3rd of Sagittarius; 1st or 2nd of Capricorn; 3rd of Aquarius; 3rd of Pisces. These are the Mars decan of Aries, Mars decan of Gemini, Saturn and Mars decans of Leo, Moon decan of Libra, Mars decan of Scorpio, Saturn decan of Sagittarius, Jupiter and Mars decans of Capricorn, Moon decan of Aquarius, and Mars decan of Pisces.

Venus and Malefics

Note that the placement of Venus in any martial decan is associated with lust for Rhetorius. Additionally, Rhetorius is one of the first Hellenistic authors who clearly associated a planet in the sign opposite its domicile (i.e. its detriment) with a corrupting influence on the planet. Similarly, he associated Scorpio with excessive lust at one point (see above). Therefore, Rhetorius seemed to connect both Venus in dignity (her domiciles and exaltation) and in detriment (Aries and Scorpio) with excessive lust. He also associated her position in a sign of Saturn with such.

Rhetorius may have had an internal logic for stressing that dignity or malefic influence can lead to excess. Perhaps in dignity Venus can be amplified to excess, given other indications. Similarly, in the house of a malefic she may be corrupted by the influence of the malefic, provided reinforcement from similar configurations. In any case, it is clear that connections with malefics, particularly Venus-Mars connections, and sign dignity are both significant for Rhetorius.

Other Decan Placements

The Ascendant in the 3rd decan (Venus) of Aries, 1st (Moon) or 3rd (Jupiter)  of Libra, or 1st decan (Jupiter) of Capricorn were also said to pertain to excessive lust.

Other planets in specific decans were also associated with excessive lust for Rhetorius. The Sun in the 3rd decan of Aries, any decan of Libra, 1st decan of Scorpio, or 1st or 3rd of Pisces was said to make lechers or effeminates. The Moon in the 3rd decan of Aries, 3rd of Leo, 3rd of Capricorn, 3rd of Libra, 3rd of Aquarius, or 1st decan of Pisces was said to signify the same. For Saturn it was the 3rd decan of Aries, 1st and 3rd of Libra, and 1st and 3rd of Capricorn. Jupiter’s lecherous decans are the 3rd decan of Aries, 1st and 3rd of Libra, and 1st and 3rd of Capricorn. For Mars they are they 3rd decan of Aries and 1st and 3rd of Libra. Mercury’s are the 1st decan of Libra and 1st decan of Capricorn.

In conclusion, the 3rd decan of Aries (the Venus decan), 1st and 3rd (Moon and Jupiter) decans of Libra, and 1st and 3rd (Jupiter and Sun) decans of Capricorn are those most frequently associated with excessive lust.

Lustful Degrees

Rhetorius associated some specific degrees with excessive lust. This pertained primarily to the placement of the Ascendant in them but he also advised to check the Descendant, Venus, Moon, Lot of Fortune, Lot of Marriage, and Lot of Love in this respect. I will give the ordinal degrees, so the 13th degree is equivalent to 12°. Aries: 13th, 14th, 22nd, 24th, 27th, 28th, and 30th. Taurus: 13th-18th. Leo: 25th-30th. Capricorn: 11th and 12th. Rhetorius also noted that the final degrees of each fire sign are effeminizing.

Venus in Dignity

As we can see from the information above, the main signs of lust in Hellenistic astrology were Aries, Taurus, Capricorn, and Pisces, with the sometimes addition of Leo and Libra. It is interesting that the domiciles and exaltation of Venus comprise 3 of the 6 signs noted in Hellenistic astrology, and 2 of the 4 noted in the early authors.

The Dorothean list of 4 signs, which are the ones echoed in the other early authors, seem to have an internal logic. Excessive lust is indicated when Venus is very reinforced by being in one of her own house or exaltation of her own sect (Taurus and Pisces, both nocturnal) or is in one of the houses of the malefics that is of the contrary sect to that malefic (Saturn’s nocturnal home or Mars’ diurnal home). The additions of Leo and Libra may have to do with the more public and showy nature of Leo and the cardinal Venusian nature of the day home of Venus.

Into the Middle Ages

Compare the list given by al-Qabisi (10th century CE).

“And certain ones are said to be very wanton: Aries, Taurus, Leo, and Capricorn.”  (al-Qabisi, Introduction to Astrology, Book I, Ch. 24, Dykes trans., 2010, p. 64)

The Perso-Arabic astrologers appear to have been heavily influenced by Dorotheus and Rhetorius and this list is something of a hybrid of the two. It is interesting that this list includes Leo, like that of Rhetorius, but drops Pisces and doesn’t mention Libra, one of the signs noted by Rhetorius.

Perhaps Pisces was not noted because it is the exaltation of Venus, and Libra was not noted because it was not mentioned by Dorotheus and is also a place of dignity for Venus. Taurus is mentioned and is another domicile of Venus and was included. However,  many Hellenistic astrologers separately mentioned Taurus in this regard (at least Dorotheus, Maternus, and Rhetorius) so an exclusion on the basis of “dignity” would not be so easy for al-Qabisi due to its break with tradition.

Dignity Do No Wrong

Interestingly, Bonatti (12th century CE) noted the lustful signs as Aries, Leo, Libra, and Capricorn, which again drops two of the most significant lustful signs (Taurus and Pisces) that also happen to be places Venus is dignified. Why Bonatti still then included Libra is unclear. In any case, the medieval pruning of the list of lustful signs always appears to be motivated by dignity considerations.

Here, we again see the gradual evolution of the interpretation of sign dignity from a sense of reinforcement of the natural signification (sex, in this case) to a sense of significations becoming “dignified”. Something similar happened with associations of Mercury in his own domiciles as well (see my article on Mercury in domicile as an indication of mental instability).

Usage

Warning

First, it should be noted that many ancient authors delineate sexuality and discuss wanton sexuality without any reference to this set of signs.  Even in those authors that use these signs, they are discussed among many other indicators.  In short, you cannot delineate the extent of a person’s lust or how wanton their sexual behavior is from placements in these signs alone.  Be aware of this and please do not attempt the delineation of sexual concerns casually and without extensive experience, testing, and refining of the techniques for doing so.

Venus

The placement of Venus in one of these signs is particularly important and was stressed by Dorotheus. In his approach she would indicate scandal in such signs if she were also under the beams and with or dominated by malefics. In this we see a more lustful Venus + hidden + strongly influenced toward difficulties = sexual scandal.

Personal Points and their Rulers

Rhetorius gave two different lists of such signs but did not delineate their use at that place in his work.  In preceding chapters pertaining to lechery he seemed most interested in placements of the Ascendant and Venus though (in certain degrees and decans respectively). In Chapter 116 on “Lechery”, Rhetorius did use the lecherous signs explicitly in his example.  He directed us to look at placement in such signs of the ruler of the Ascendant, ruler of the Lot of Fortune (Lot of the Moon), and ruler of the Lot of Daemon/Spirit (Lot of the Sun). Apparently, the occurrence of all three in lecherous signs indicated that the subject of the chapter was a lecherous person.

This pertains to the rulers of the most personal point (the Ascendant) and the most personal Lots (those of the Lights). Therefore, we get the sense that Rhetorius found it important when the person (personal points) is directed (rulers) toward signs indicative of lustful behavior.

Relationship Significators

Umar al-Tabari (8th Century CE) also examined the signs abounding in lust (Three Books on Nativities, II, Ch. 5).  Like other authors he stressed Venus and personal significators. Additionally, (like Maternus) he looked at points pertaining to relationships. Umar al-Tabari had a sort of “winner” technique for this. One was to examine if many of the following are in lustful signs: Venus, the Sun, Lot of Marriage (Saturn to Venus from Asc for men, Venus to Saturn from Asc for women), many personal significators, and Lord of the 7th. If so, then the person was said to be excessively sexual or perverse.

Conclusion

The lustful signs are an interesting and controversial classification of the signs. Hellenistic astrologers tended to delineate sexual vices and afflictions as pertaining more to specific configurations with the malefics. However, the lustful signs could be said to exacerbate the indications or at least focus them more specifically to excessive sexuality.

As sex is an important aspect of the human experience, all ages have associated the signs with varying degrees of sexuality. Looking at the traditional astrologers and their more loaded vocabulary of lechery, perversion, and sodomy easily courts controversy. However, look up modern delineations of Venus through the signs and you will find sexual types perhaps with more sensitive wording.

The Evolving Face of Dignity

In the early list of lustful signs found in Dorotheus, and echoed by other Hellenistic astrologers, we find an interesting stress on a domicile and exaltation of Venus when it comes to sexual excess. Today, a time when many traditional astrologers associate dignity with “do no wrong” it is not uncommon for astrologers to instead associate ill-dignified Venus with such things. Therefore, the lustful signs also remind us that moderation was a virtue for the ancients, detriment was lacking from the vocabulary of the early Hellenistic astrologers, and a planet was not so constrained in its own places.

References

Dorotheus of Sidon. (2005). Carmen Astrologicum. (D. Pingree, Trans.). Abingdon, MD: Astrology Center of America.

Dykes, Benjamin, trans. and ed., Introductions to Traditional Astrology: Abu Ma’shar & al-Qabisi (Minneapolis, MN: The Cazimi Press, 2010).

Ptolemy, C. (1940). Ptolemy: Tetrabiblos. (F. E. Robbins, Trans.). Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library. Retrieved from http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Ptolemy/Tetrabiblos/home.html

Rhetorius of Egypt, & Teucer of Babylon. (2009). Rhetorius the Egyptian. (J. H. Holden, Trans.). Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers.

Valens, V. (2010). Anthologies. (M. Riley, Trans.) (Online PDF.). World Wide Web: Mark Riley. Retrieved from http://www.csus.edu/indiv/r/rileymt/Vettius%20Valens%20entire.pdf

Image Attribution

Featured image is Leda and the Swan (detail), Roman copy of late Hadrianic age from an attic original of mid-1st century BC, Venice Museo Archeologico, Italy. Photo by Carole Raddato from FRANKFURT, Germany [CC BY-SA 2.0], via Wikimedia Commons

Updates

Feb. 2019: This article was extensively updated in early February 2019 with the addition of quotes from ancient texts, some additional analysis, and a new featured image.

The Bounds | Tables and Origins

The Bounds

The bounds are a system of dividing each zodiacal sign into 5 unequal regions. The regions are called bounds or terms. Each of the five bounds of a sign is ruled by one of the five planets beside the Sun and Moon (i.e. the non-Lights).

Egyptian Bounds

There was some variation found in the ancient literature, in which bounds were of different lengths or ruled by different planets. For instance, check out the different table of bounds at Altair astrology.  However, the so-called Egyptian bounds are independently attested in many ancient sources. Additionally, the Egyptian bounds have been found in early horoscopes recovered by archaeologist. The Egyptian bounds are also the system that I use in my own practice.

Using Bounds

The bound ruler of a planet or point, such as the Ascendant, has an influence over the nature of that planet or point. The bound is link between the two.  You can think of signs as the houses of the planets, and the bounds as their rooms. Additionally, the bounds are key to certain predictive techniques in Hellenistic and Persian astrology. For instance, the bound ruler of the directed Ascendant was an important time lord (the distributor).

You can find a great set of charts of the various systems of bounds on the Altair Astrology site.  When I’m online and want to look up the Egyptian bounds that’s where I go, as it’s a clear presentation.

Egyptian Bounds are Babylonian Bounds

Based on recent evidence, it has been proposed that the Egyptian bounds are actually of Babylonian origin (follow link for paper). The proposal is based on the discovery of two cuneiform tablets in which the bounds of the signs were recorded.  These tablets may date back to the 4th or 5th century BCE.  The paper provides some great technical and historic background on the bounds and their variation in ancient literature.

Featured Image

Featured image of Fresco with Zodiac Signs in Rocca Abbaziale (Subiaco, Italy) by Livioandronico2013 [CC BY-SA 4.0 ], from Wikimedia Commons